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HISTORY 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 



A PRELIMINARY VIEW 



OF THE 



CCIiatactet anU 39t(nc(ples of tlie ^olontstSt 



AND THEIR 



CONTROVERSIES WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 



FIFTH EDITION. 



BALTIMORE: 

PUBLISHED BY N. HICKMAN No. 78 MARKET STREET. 



Entered, according to the Act of Congresa, in the year 1834, by Samijel P 
Wilson, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Maryland. 



<c 






PREFACE 



li; The first intention of the writer of this book was to 
prepare an abstract of some one of the larger histories of 
the American Revolution, in a more compact form than 
any which he had met with in his own reading. The 
object was to present a convenient volume, which should 
embrace all the principal occurrences, civil, military, and 
political, in America and Europe, having a direct influence 
on the principles and progress of the revolutionary contest, 
at the same time that it should avoid all minor details not 
positively necessary to the continuity or integrity of the 
narrative. The military events were to be made less pro- 
minent than is usual ; and all circumstantial accounts of 
battles and manoeuvres in the field, beyond leading incidents 
important for the understanding of the issue, were to be 
avoided. After examining several of the principal authorities, 
the design of following any particular author was abandoned, 
and the present plan adopted, of re-writing and re-arranging 
the whole, without regard to the order or language of 
previous histories. These are the claims of the work to 
originality. Its merits are submitted to the judgment of 
the public. The writer has diUgently compared the received 
authorities, and exercised his judgment freely in selecting 
and arranging the essential facts; and he thinks he has 
brought within the compass of a volume convenient for 
popular use, a connected narrative of the revolution, em- 
bracing all the principal events — foreign and domestic. 
Those portions which relate to the foreign negotiations, are 
more full in proportion, than the other divisions of the sub- 
ject. They will be found, it is believed, correct and valuable. 



IV PREFACE. 

The author believes that this volume might be advan- 
tageously used in the instruction of youth. For the purpose 
of determining this point, he in\ates the examination of 
teachers, within whose system the subject is embraced, on 
the scale to which the size of tlae work is adapted. 

The chief authorities consulted by the writer, are : Holmes' 

Annals ; the histories by BoUa, Paul Allen, Ramsay, and 

Pitkin; Marshall's Life of Washington ; Lives of the Signers ; 

Lives of Arthur Lee, and Richard Henry Lee, by Richara 

Henry Lee; Life of John Jay, by his son, William Jay; 

WirVs Patrick Henry ; Sjmrk's Diplomatic Correspondence 

of the American Revolution ; Bancroft's life of Washington ; 

Walsh's Appeal ; Hale's Premium History ; Austin's Life of 

Gerry; Life of Quincy; Lee's Southern Campaigns; English 

Histories by Bissei, Belsham, and Miller ; and other histories 

of particular States. 

S. F. WILSON 
Baltimore, May, 1834. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 
General Observations on the Importance of the revolutionary Era, .... Page 7 

CHAPTER II. 
Character of the early Settlers — Motives for Emigration — Testimony to their Prin- 
ciples from Hume — Party Spirit — Physical Circumstances— Religions Influences 
— New England Temperament — Southern Characteristics — General Character — 
Tendency towards free Institutions — Neglect of them by the mother Country 
favourable to this Spirit — Testimony of British Statesmen — Causes of Affection 

towards Great Britain — State of Feeling at the Peace of 3703, Page 15 

CHAPTER III. 

Peace of Paris, 1763— Conduct of Britain towards the Colonies, and their Services 

during the War — PoHcy at its commencement in 1756 — .Attempt to establish the 

Right of Taxation in 1754 — Views of Dr. Franklin— Other Difficulties during the 

War— Boston, Writs of Assistance — British Policy from 1756 to 1763, Page 29 

CHAPTER IV. 

\ew Ministry in England, 1763— English Finances— Treasury Schemes- Molasses 
Act — Revenue Regulations — Stamp Jlct. projected — Ulterior Schemes — Historical 
Notice of the duestion— Views of British Statppmen — Colonial Theory — Dr. 
Franklin's Opinions in 1751 — Proceedings in America on the passage of the 
Ilesoliilions — Debate in the House of Commons, 17()5 — Stamp Act passed — 
Reception by the Americans— Patrick Henry's Resolutions— Other Legislatures 
— Popular Movements — Stamp Act Congress meets — Proceedings— Act goes into 
Operation — Sons of Liberty — Non-Importation Agreement — Change in the 

Ministry — Repeal of the Stamp Act— Declaratory .Act, 176:5, Page S9 

CHAPTER V. 

Effects of the Repeal — Compensation Acts — New York Lojiflature — New Cabinet 
in England — Scheme of Taxing America revived— Other Bills adopted — Tea Act 
passed 1767 — Excitement in America — Sloop Liberty- Disturbances in Boston — 
t^onvention in Massachusetts — Changes in the Ministry— I'arliament — Coercive 
Resolutions, 1769— Provision for the Trial of suspected Persons— Colonial Pro- 
ceedings— Ouestion stated by Philadelphia Merchants— Lord North becomes the 
head of Administration January 1770— Duties repealed except that on Tea — Riot 
and Massacre at Boston — Affair of the Gaspee, Act passed in England in conse- 
quence — Committees of Correspondence — Governor Hutchinson's Letters — Ex- 
amination of Dr. Franklin before the Privy Council— East IndiaCompany exports 
Tea to America— Its reception— Boston, destruction of the Tea, 1773, . Page 75 
CHAPTER VI. 

Proceedings in Parliament, 1770— Boston Port Bill— Other Bills— Reception in the 
Colonies— First Congress meets— Their Proceedings— Proceedings of Massachu- 
setts-Legislature organized into a Convention— .Arms the Province- New Par- 
liament-Massachusetts declared in Rebellion — More Penal an?! Coercive Acts- 
North's first Scheme of Conciliation — Increasing E.tcitement-Balile of Lexing- 
ton— Its Influence- Seizure of Ticonderoga and Crown Point— Reinforcements 
from England — Second Congress— Washixgton appointed romniander-in-Chief 
— Battle of Bunker Hill — Siege of Boston — Dispositions with respect to Indepen- 
dence-Proceedings of Congress— Affairs at the Cir.^n' of the Yiar— Expedition 
against Canada— Attack upon Quebec, and Death of Montgomery, . . Page 89 
CflAPTER Vn. 

Proceedings of Parliament— More Restrictive Laws— Hire of Gernian Troops- 
Boston Evacuated by the British— Washington occupies New York— Campaign 
inCanala — \ mold's Ret rent—The British attack Charleston— Rrpnlsed— British 
Army and Flei»t before New York— Public Feeling on the Subject of Indepen- 
dence, up to July, 1776— Decl.^ration of Isdepicxdence Page 13r 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Position of the Armies, July 1776— Difficulties of Washington— Attempts at Nego- 
tiation—Battle of Lonj Island— Retreat of Americans— Evacuation of New 
York— Skirmistiinir-F irther rotrpat- Mpasiir(^s of Con L'ress— Conferences on 
Conciliation, fail— Battle of White Plains— Fort Washington fall.-j- Retreat 
throu?h New Jersey— Rhode Island falls— Disasters in the \orth— Defeat of Ar- 
tiold on liake Champlain— Washington retires hevond the Delaware— Brilliant 
Affair at Trenton— Capture of the Hessians— Bailie of Princeton, and Recovery 

of New Jersey— Close of Campaign of 1776 Page \!i5 

CHAPTER IX. 

Negotiations abroad, 1776-7— French Policy— French Volunteers-British Parlia- 

ment— CxMPAiQx of 1777— Congress— Bad System— Paper Emissions- -Escliana» 

A3 



^ CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER "Y 

Mrf>i '•«»"*-t'^f'ange of Prospects-Battle of Bennington-Mur.fer of Mi« 
McCrea-Biii^oyne crosses the lliver-Battle of Stillvvster-At emnts of Bi P 
goyne to retreat-Is surroun.led-Clinlon's tardy Efrorts-S^rrender of Bur' 

linnl %f . h u*^ torge— Rhode Island -Cruise of P;,ul Jones— Other Exnedi- 
tioj.s-Brit.sh Preparations-Parliamentary Proceeiljnes-Suff.ri.ies and Oil 
contents of the Troops (1-80)-Rochambea.i arrives with a FrencI Fleet-Clin 

c"vir\iraiur*;r;;fnh,?''r';t''" "i ^haneston-capture orAmerica^v^:::: 

Gytesdlfea^l^dHtCamC"?"^ "'"'"^ '" ^^"' ^-"-^P-'t in Carolina- 
„„,.,., ,.. CHAPTER if. ^'^"^ 

-The Fin 'nr:!^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

1 iierinances— I aper Issues— 1 ender Laws. &c.—ArnivEnibarraiisinpnt- In 

dufi"n*;f l-'-^'n n^-'-i-'g'""-^ ''ft-ri-.3s at Valley ForBe--Forel", Ne^^" ^Uons 
n^r.^ Ivt-^'-^- treaties u.th Franco-ElTecta of Bur?oyne-s fall in EnBlai^d- 

M-Kccept.oi. of Bills jn America^Sk.rmishes in the Spring of 177S . Page 2^ 

-, CHAPTER XII. 

CAMPAKiN OF n-S.-Arrival of French Fleet-British evacuate Philadeli.hia-Battl,. 
a^-^r.Th""~T'^'"''"f'f.!V*'=' '^'r.'^'''' ^-e"' Vork: sail for Newport-En tor^^^^^^ 
^^Ui ... ^ r''''ii'~^ •^'"''m*' '^'"•'=^" the Fleets-Fro.ich sail for Boston- 
Sullivan retreats-French sai! to the West Indies-Partial Expeditions -Mas 
ft'f ', "f >Vy""""g- A."'-Ticans in W. n ter-au arters-Canlpai^n G.'orgia- 
rltal n'"'"''^ ^'\t'' """•''-Surrender of Savannah, and Suhmi.ssio^n of 
Rns " U^^h *.'^"' °' « '^•"' '".IITS-Policy of Spain-Her proffered .Mediatio", 
[ate U.e 4 li^-s Mm, !!?',"h'"n ^'^^ R'-i'»"'-Atte.npt9 of 'the British to sepa 
rate tne All.es— Aims of the Bourbon Courts Pa„g ^ 

CHAPTER XIII. 

tAMPA.oN OF 1779.-French Fleet in the West Indies-Difficulties of Washington- 

Part.al Enterprises in the Chesapeake-Stonev Point-Tryon's ExpedH on- 

if"o/T'n ^"""'«'» Campaign.-British repulsed at Port Roval (S.CO-Tor"e« 

?, S ^ p "tI"""*', o^^""' Charleston-Retreat before Lincoln-Skirmish 

at Stono Ferry-French Fleet arrives-Attack on Savannah fails-.M-asures of 
Cornwall.s-Battle of King'.s Mountain-Greene takes cnmmand-Bltish Ex 
ped.t.cin against Rhode Island fails-Arnold's Treason-Capture and Death of 

Andre-Americans go. ntoWinter-auarlers-Mutinies-Revival of public Spirit 
Improvement of Finances, an.l foreign aids of Money-Foreign Affairs-War 
between Great Br.tain and Jlolland- Expedition to Virginia ..... Page 275 
CHAPTER XIV. 
1781. Southern VVar-Designs of Cornwallis-Battle of the Cowpens-Rrtreat into 
Virginia-Battle of Ouilford-Greene rallies ins.anMv-t^/rnwulil. retire" to 
Wilm.i.gton-Greene forces his way to S.iuth Carolina-Cornwalli.'^ n..»rrhes to 
Virgin.;. -Greene repulsed at Cani<len-Hallies-British evacuate Camden- 
Brilish forts taken-Groene h.-sieges NInely-Six-Forced to relire precipitately 
-Rallies-Takes Post on the Santee Hills-nealh ofColonei llayne-Batlle of 
Eutaw ^prings-Urilish driven into Charleston-BriiishExp,5<lilions-CornwaUis 
retires to Yorktown-V\ ashinglon in the Nnrth-His Plans against New York- 
Marches for Yorktown-DeGrasse in the fhesapeak— Expedition against Con- 
necticut—G rotor. Massacre— Newport Fleet arrives in the Chesapeake-Siege 
and Surrender of Corn wallis— Its Effects -Re vie w of the etate of Affiiirs, . P. 318 
„ . CHAPTER XV. 

Foreign Relations of the United Slates up to the Capture of Cornwalli<i -Views 
of the European Powers-Proceedings in Parliament— Vote for Pe, ice— Lord 
worth overllirown— Negotiations commenced-Iiidept!iidence acknowledged bv 
Holland— Difhculties in the Negoila I ions— French and Spanish Intriaues— In- 
■iruclions to the American Couimi.-isioncrs— Instructions violated— TVeatv eon 
Cluded-M.l.tarv Events-Emharrasaments of civil Affairs-Atf-mpts to ire.ite 
Mutiny, deftated-Bntish evacuate New York-Washington takes leave of the 
Viscera, and realigns his CommissioB Pa.e 347 



HISTORY 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 



CHAPTER I. 



The war of the American Revolution, which established 
the Independence of the United States, was, beyond question, 
the most momentous era in the political history of the world. 
Other periods have, indeed, produced instances of the high- 
est public virtue, — of elevated, fervent and incorruptible 
patriotism, — of fidelity, fortitude and heroism, which cannot 
be surpassed, and have been rarely approached. Oppressions 
more galling than any of which the British Colonies of '76 
could complain, have been bravely and successfully resisted ; 
and gallant achievements for liberty and country, have been 
won, from time to time, by those magnanimous spirits who 
rise occasionally in the darkest periods, to vindicate, by their 
actions and virtues, the essential dignity of human nature. 
But theirs were solitary and partial efforts in advance of the 
intelligence of the age. The institutions, which sprung from 
their success, designed to secure the rights wrested by force 
from the hands of tyrants, lacked the self-sustaining vigor 
of an enlightened public opinion. Resistance to oppression, 
glorious in its triumph, unfortunately produced no fruits 
beyond temporary relief. The securities for good govern- 
ment arising from constitutional limitations upon power, 
and the supremacy of law, were beyond their capacity ; 
and their victories were accordingly transient anarchies, in 
the intervals of a perpetually renewed despotism. Hence 
the noblest conquests over tyranny failed to affect perma- 
nentl}' the general course of events, or to impress upon the 
mass of opinions a popular direction. That fleeting liberty 
which was gained in one country, touched not the sympa- 
thies nor kindled the emulation of another. The very next 
generation, corrupted by power and indulgence, or wearied 



8 HISTORY OF THE 

by turbulence and anarchy, and unconscious of those defects 
in themselves, by which stability and peace were frustrated, 
forfeited those dearly won privileges, and relapsed into that 
state of passive debasement, from which, under the guidance 
of one or two master minds, they had for a while emerged. 

The American Revolution Avas, however, of a different 
character. It was the natural offspring of a state of society, 
rapidly advancing, under circumstances, moral and physical, 
peculiarly favourable to general improvement. The sagacity, 
virtue, and heroism, by which it was distinguished, w^ere 
not alone the traits of illustrious men, but the characteristics 
of a nation, educated and disciplined in the knowledge of 
their rights. The conflict W'as waged on principles clearly 
defined, and for specific objects. Success therefore only 
consolidated liberties which were understood before they 
were fought for. into a system adapted to the matured intelli 
gence of the people, and sustained as well by their approving 
'judgments, as by their affections. With them to retrograde 
into slavery was impossible, because their intellectual culti- 
vation and moral qualities, harmonized with the institutions 
thej^ established ; and these being in their nature progressive, 
all must advance together. The effect upon other nations, has 
not been less dissimilar. Astonishment and admiration and 
sympathy soon ripened into zeal to imitate, as the success 
of American example in self-government tested the doctrines 
of the American Revolution, and proved their soundness. 
A new impulse communicated itself to the nations nearest 
in political condition, and most closely connected by facili- 
ties of intercourse, and habits of thought. Vast changes in 
the principles and framework of governments have already 
been silently or violently effected ; still more extensive and 
important are plainly at hand. In all the theories of human 
rights, — in the policy of administrations and cabinets ; in 
the innermost form and texture of that intricate combination 
of interests and relations by which men are connected to- 
gether in society, — substantial reforms are in progress every 
where throughout the civilized globe ; and all are parts of a 
stupendous series of organic changes, of which the Ameri- 
can Revolution marks the first era. 

Momentous as was that era in its consequences, it wa? 
scarcely less remarkable in the combination and succession 
of events, by which it was preceded. The discovery of 
America at the close of the 15th century concurred most 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. V 

propitiously with the condition of Europe at the time, to 
strengthen the infant spirit of liberty that had been strug- 
gling in vain against hostile institutions, and to prepare a 
new unlimited field for its nurture and growth. Just when 
the wants of civilized man most seemed to need it, — when 
the pressure of antiquated misrule was most heavily felt, and 
no practicable scheme of relief on the spot of its predomi- 
nance seemed possible, — an unoccupied hemisphere was 
thrown open to him. There, ardent spirits, who found the 
sphere of action at home limited to too narrow a circle by 
the tyrannical customs and prescriptions of centuries, and the 
oppressed and destitute, made so by artificial restraints upon 
industry,and the extortions and abuses of legalized despotism, 
joyfully sought a new country. The impatient energies, 
that at home had exhausted themselves vainly in combating 
against barriers that were yet too strong to be broken 
through, here overflowed without restraint, and spread them- 
selves over a vast continent, taming the savage, reclaiming 
the forests, battling fearlessly against all the terrors of soli- 
tude and the wilderness, ferocious wild beasts, and fiercer men, 
to build up institutions fresh from the hands of nature, and 
suited to their new position, and improved understanding of 
their rights. Thus was a peculiar people trained up to habits 
of independence, and experience of the benefits and usages 
of liberty, under circumstances more favorable than had 
ever been enjoyed by any people before ; developing by the 
s^everest discipline the physical powers of the human frame, 
and giving the fullest scope to the natural motions of the 
intellect. This rare combination of moral and social phe- 
nomena, tended harmoniously to the same end- -the estab- 
lishment of a common principle of repugnance to arbitrary 
power, and the assertion for the first time, of the doctrines 
of popular sovereignty, by the final erection of the American 
republics. 

A slight glance at the comparative rate of progress in 
social improvements, in both hemispheres, before and 
since the impetus given at the era of the discovering of 
America, will signally illustrate its importance in political 
history. The seeds of hberty, — which took such instant 
root, and flourished with such luxuriance here, and have 
grown with such rapidity elsewhere, — existed long before 
in Europe. But they had been sown in barren and stony 
ground, and though nurtured by the toils, and oftentinxes 



t9 HISTORY OF THE 

watered by the blood of early martyrs, they sustained them- 
selves feebly against a superincumbent mass of ancient abuses. 
While the revival of learning, after the darkness of the 
middle ages, gave a new impulse to the human mind, and 
the discoveries and inventions by which it was subsequently 
signalized, perpetuated its new achievements, and have 
carried it progressively onwards, the natural influence of 
increased knowledge, upon public liberty, was tardy in 
manifesting itself in the improvement of governments, or in 
the elevation of the condition of the people. To partial 
observation, looking at immediate eflecls, that influence 
would seem to have been hostile to freedom. The student 
of history finds despotism temporarily strengthened as know- 
ledge increased. The resources of learning, applied by the 
most active intellects, evidently sharpened, for a season, the 
weapons of arbitrary- power, and ministered sedulously to the 
ruling temper of the times, devising artful defences for its 
excesses, and new instruments for securing its unresisted 
ascendency. The alliance between tyranny, which is the 
natural form of all unlimited power, and knowledge, which 
is its natural enemy, is, in the early stages of the latter, as 
seen in the history of foreign governments, apparently com- 
plete. In later times, it has been also found that men of the 
highest range of intellect, have employed their superiority to 
uphold the most odious systems of government, and to extin- 
guish those desires for political rights, which have sprung 
chiefly from the enlarged knowledge, to which themselves 
have so much contributed. Striving earnestly against popular 
movements, they, at the same time, spent their lives in pur- 
suits which have prepared the world for the very changes 
they deplored. The explanation of this apparent anomaly, 
instead of disproving the inherent sympathy between know- 
ledge and freedom, gives an eminent proof of their affinity, 
under all circumstances, and in despite of all personal pas- 
sions, individual influences, and temporary delusions. The 
selfish principle peculiar to the age, and the selfish principle 
of our common nature, were both to be encountered and 
overthrown, before the beneficent influences of civilization 
could be made to reach the mass of the community, and 
elevate them. The thirst for power and booty was the 
ruling passion of the privileged classes, and learning and 
mental acquirements were only valued as ministers to that 
appetite. They were additional weapons for foiling enemies, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 



fl 



conquering and enslaving the weak, and strengthening the 
strong, — and were so estimated only in comparison with other 
instruments. They were rather contemned in the compari- 
son with bodily strength, because their influences were less 
obvious. Even when they became more highly considered, 
they were employed, with few exceptions, in advancing 
selfish objects, and for personal aggrandizement. Thus for 
a long series of years, and through various fortunes, know- 
ledge as the great agent of human improvement, struggled 
not only against the errors and institutions of antiquity, but 
against the dominant temper of the times, and the selfish 
principles of its possessor and followers. 

The condition of society during the progress of this struggle, 
while it bears testimony to the arduous conflict which the 
growing spirit of liberty was waging with its antagonists, fur- 
nishes other arguments for the opponents of popular license, 
much more honourable to human nature, than the baser pas- 
sions of pride and ambition, with which they were mingled. 

It is not to be denied, that in those days, the multitude 
were incapable of government, or of any proper use of 
their faculties, in judging of affairs of state. Ignorant and 
brutal, — taught from infancy to know nothing but the law of 
force, and the will of a master scarcely less brutal and ig- 
norant, — they were, without question, a stolid and insensate 
mass, whom power alone could restrain, and to whom free- 
dom was a word as unintelligible as it now is to the body- 
guard of an African chief. So the first dawning of civiliza- 
tion found them, and so the first master spirits saw them, 
the more clearly as themselves were more highly elevated. 
Knowledge of civil rights, which is the growth of a general 
increase of intelligence, spread but slowly, even when the 
most rapid advance was made by individuals in science and 
the arts: what wonder is it, then, that direct fear of the 
savage excesses of an ignorant multitude should have pre- 
vailed over vague and unformed notions of a human per- 
fectibility, of which there was. no present token nor promise ? 
Having no means of safety for all the growing interests of 
society, save in the strength of those classes which held the 
power to protect,and which, by their position and their limited 
numbers, were within the reach of improvement, it ought 
not to surprise us, that men of the best intentions and widest 
range of intellect and acquirement should have been the 
advocates of monarchy, thiB defenders of established institu-^ 



t% HISTORY OF THE 

tions, and the partizans of dynasties, claiming to exist by 
" divine" appointment. Ambition and vanity, custom and 
fear, the weight of antiquity, the authority of history, and 
the abused or mistaken sanctions of religion, were all on the 
side of governments, wherever and however they existed. 
Yet in all this apparent union of every influence, in favour 
of despotic governments, the seeds of revolution were 
planted. The tightening and bracing of the social springs 
showed an increasing pressure to be counteracted — a grow- 
ing impulse upward, against which conservative force had 
become necessary. While the jealousy of power, barred 
with increasing rigour the advance of popular inquiry in re- 
ligion and politics, mental activity enlarged its field widely 
in every other direction, The general level of capacity 
gradually rose, until the forbidden precincts were invaded by 
a universal tide of public opinion, in spite of the barriers 
which had been raised upon each other, by the care of cen- 
turies. What the immediate effects were, is not within our 
limits to describe minutely. From the period of the reign 
of Henry the VIII., in England, the efforts of the rising spirit 
of the peoplis, more and more enlightened by education, and 
directed by experience, have gradually — sometimes by vio- 
lence, and sometimes by natural operations imperceptibly, — 
raised the moral character of nations, and finally enlisted 
knowledge on the side to which it naturally belongs — that 
of Liberty. In the most propitious period for mankind, of 
this unequal strife which is not yet decided in the old world, 
the colonization of America produced an entire change in the 
moral characteristics of the contest. Here were no obstacles 
to the freest exercise of intellectual independence : the issue 
has invigorated the hopes, and given unerring promises of 
the final triumph, of those who have not only to build up 
new institutions, but to combat inveterate prejudices, to re- 
move the consequences of errors that have been interwoven 
with the most intimate texture of society, and to prepare 
whole nations, not only to conquer and establish, but to un- 
derstand and enjoy their rights. 

The co-operation of knowledge and civilization, with 
fortune, or Providence, in this work of human regenera- 
tion, may not unaptly be compared to that of physical 
phenomena, which, by the agency of independent laws, 
without apparent concert, produce the finest and noblest 
results, intellectual and moral improvement, the soil 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. lH 

from which public virtue and liberty spring as the natural 
growth, is formed, gradually, from a thousand indirect and 
direct sources, as the earth is formed for the benevolent pur- 
poses of vegetation, upon a barren rock. By slow attrition and 
progressive deposites of the elements, laj^er after layer accu- 
mulates. If human industry be wanting to stimulate its 
energies, by and by comes along a bird of the air dropping 
the grain, or the wind, blowing where it listeth, scatters a 
seed, or the waves throw up a random twig, and the new- 
made soil soon sends up from its bosom a little plant, that 
ere long swells into a mighty tree, fixing its roots deep into 
the earth, and stretching its brawny arms wide into the air, 
bearing fruit to refresh and sustain living beings, and preserv- 
ing the inherent faculty of re-producing its kind for ever. 
The plant of liberty thus*^springs in a soil which virtue and 
knowledge have matured and prepared for the hand of some 
master spirit, labouring with almost divine philanthropy for 
the good of the species; or for some happy conjuncture of 
events to call forth its dormant powers into spontaneous action. 
Thenceforward, though the growth may be affected by. un- 
toward events, and delayed, more or less, as society advances 
more or less slowly, it is not in the nature of truth, that it 
should ever perish again. All experience hitherto, in the only 
fair trial ever made, confirms this judgment. Americans, 
proud of their own share, as a people, in these glorious 
events, as well as zealous for the improvement of the condi- 
tion of other nations, by the same happy influences, ought 
frequently to turn with gratitude to the period of their own 
revolution, and not cease to impress its principles, and the 
magnitude of their bearings, upon the hearts of each suc- 
ceeding generation. The train of events which immediately 
brought on the struggle between the then colonies and Great 
Britain, and the vicissitudes of fortune by which it was 
marked until the final triumph by the establishment of inde- 
pendence, have, moreover, the merit of exhibiting rare ex- 
amples of personal virtue and heroism in our ancestors, well 
worthy of the highest admiration of their descendants — fit to 
foster a just national pride ; to strengthen the impulses of 
patriotism, and stimulate a warmer zeal in the universal 
cause of virtue and liberty. 

In reviewing the earlier portions of colonial history — to 
trace the remoter as well as the immediate springs of the 
revolution, secondary to the general advancement of popular 

B 



n HISTORY OF THE 

knowledge and virtue, which are the first causes — the chief 
place in importance is undoubtedly due to the peculiar 
opinions and dispositions of the Colonists and the circum- 
stances in which they were formed. The arbitrary measures 
of the British government were not primary causes of the 
colonial resistance. Upon people of a different education and 
temperament, much greater oppressions than those employed 
by the British ministry, from the commencement of the 
first systematic design to enslave in 176^4, to the com- 
mencement of hostilities, might have been safely tried ; and 
with any other existing people, would have probably suc- 
ceeded. With them, however, as was well said by one of 
its wisest men, " The revolution was over before the war 
commenced." It was a moral resolution, to which a suc- 
cessful w'ar only gave permanent establishment, and the 
sanction of victory in the eyes of other nations. It existed 
in the minds of the Colonists long before the occasion had 
arisen to call forth its active energies, or to invite them to 
study attentively the tendency of their own opinions. Its 
development was hastened by the assertion of unwise and 
tyrannical doctrines from abroad, and the attempt to reduce 
to practice here, rules of government which would have suc- 
ceeded any where else, with discontent, but without much 
contention, and with no resistance. The peculiar character 
of this people is therefore an essential point of preliminary 
inquiry. 



AlMerican revolution. 15 



CHAPTER II. 

The first settlers in America were a race of men, not 
merely enlightened in regard to the principles of govern- 
ment, to the full extent of the intelligence of the age, but 
were far in advance of the prevailing theories in Europe. 
They were, in fact, for the most part, driven from Europe 
for their hostility to those theories, as established. Political 
and religious controversies had been for a long time agitating 
that whole continent, and cruel persecutions employed to re- 
press and punish all independence ofjudgment, and to main- 
tain despotic control over the body and mind, by the use of 
force. The mass of the public being unripe for concentrated 
action in behalf of general principles, they who were fore- 
most in agitation, and who consequently suffered the penal- 
ties of defeat, were the active and enterprising — those who 
best comprehended the rights of man, and were warmed with 
the truest zeal for liberty. Such men it was, principally, 
who, disgusted with tyranny, or forced by rigorous laws and 
proscriptions, gladly embraced the opportunity of establishing 
tvjcmselves, at whatever cost and labour, where they might 
provide better institutions for their posterity. The English 
historian, Hume, himself the apologist of some of the worst 
tyrants that ever sat upon the throne, passed a merited eulo- 
gium upon the principles of the first American settlers, as 
early as the time of the first James. "That spirit of inde- 
(jendence," he remarks, " which was then reviving in Eng- 
land, shone forth in America, in its full lustre, and received 
new accession of force from the aspiring character of those, 
who, being discontented with the established church and 
monarchy, had sought for freedom among the savage deserts." 
A striking fact, narrated in the memoirs of Cromwell and 
Hampden, two among the most remarkable men in English 
history, illustrates the general effect of the misgovernment of 
♦ hat period, in driving the ablest men into exile ; and may 
also serve as a memorable illustration of that just retribution for 
evil deeds, of which many examples are on record, wherein 
violent and arbitrary acts have, by the combination of subse- 
quent events totally unforeseen at the time, led directly to 
the ruw of their authors. Hampden and Cromwell, under 



ii 



HISTORY OF THE 



the common influence of dislike to the measures of Charles I. 
were actually on board ship, on their way to settle in Ame- 
rica, Aviicn they were stopped by a royal order in council, 
prohibiting emigration. They, in consequence, remained in 
England — the one, by his noble support of the popular cause, 
to overturn the king's influence in parliament, and become 
a proverb in all ages for patriotism ; and the other, impelled 
onward by the current of events, in a career of ambition, to 
become the means of bringing the king's head to the block ; to 
banish his children, and sit upon his throne. 

Differences of opinions, upon political subjects, undoubtedly 
Existed in the Colonies, from the beginning, similar to those 
which they left, and which prevailed contemporaneously in 
Europe. Custom, prejudice, varieties of capacity and edu- 
cation, and the occasional excess of selfish passions — vanitj' 
and the thirst for gain and power in individuals — main- 
tained, Avhile their recollections of Europe were distinct, and 
continued to maintain, as long as the political connexion ex- 
isted, a spirit of party on the same subjects as those which 
convulsed the mother countr\'. But popular doctrines predo- 
minated from the first, in America, and grew stronger as the 
ties, v.'hich drew them towards the old system, became weak- 
ened under the effect and influence of new scenes and 
occupations; and as the generations became, in time, farther 
removed from the parent stock. In all these party differences, 
too, an important peculiarity is to be observed. Colonial dis- 
turbances were always in favour of natural rights; to retain 
what the}' had, as it were, resumed from society, on betaking 
themselves to the forests, against the encroachments of lords 
proprietors, and royal governors. In Europe, on the contrary', 
the rights of the people had to struggle under every disad- 
vantage, against established institutions and overwhelming 
power. While in the one country, therefore, their progress has 
been slow and painfully won, amid terrible convulsions; in 
the other they advanced rapidly, and soon threw off the petty 
impediments of European origin. When Burke, in his fa- 
mous speech on conciliation with America, dehvered in the 
British House of Commons, in 1775, spoke so warmly of the 
"love of freedom," as the "predominating feature" of the 
character of the Americans, he spoke truly and generously 
of what had grown up with them, from the earliest settle- 
ment. "That fierce spirit of liberty," which he then pro- 
nounced to be "stronger in the English Colonies, than in 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 17 

any other people of the earth," was their inheritance from the- 
magnanimous ancestors we have been describing; nurtured 
by perils, labour, and self-denial, until all their opinions, cus- 
toms, inclinations, and habits of thought and feeling were 
impressed with the same hardy traits of independence. It 
harmonized with the rugged soil they cultivated and the vast 
solitudes and boundless forests by which they were surrounded, 
and strengthened, perpetually, by contrast, their repug- 
nance to the narrow dogmas, the insolent assumptions, and 
artificial institutions of the over-crowded and oppressed popu- 
lation of Europe. The persecutions from which they had 
fled, voluntarily relinquishing their native land, to find poli- 
tical freedom and liberty of faith in the wilderness ; the pri- 
vations they endured, by hunger and cold, pestilence, famine, 
and Avar, to establish their new dweUings; the perpetual 
watchfulness with which, by day and night, while^toiling for 
food and shelter, they had to defend their lives from the 
tomahawk of a subtle and merciless enemy, and at the same 
time, to maintain their rights against the unnatural oppres- 
sions of the mother country — all combined to invigorate the 
principles they brought with them, and to perfect, by severe 
bodily and mental discipline, a national character for austere 
A irtue, irrepressible energy, and indomitable courage ; — 
jealous and sagacious in its distrust of power; full of the 
pride of personal independence ; quick to detect, and prompt 
to repel, all encroachments upon their rights. 

A leading element in the early colonial character, and 
l)erhaps the strongest in giving it its peculiar cast of austerity 
and elevation, was rehgious enthusiasm. The settlers of New 
England were dissenters, who had been oppressed at home 
hy church and state : by the Catholic, and by the established 
Protestant church, as either, in the alternate vibrations of this 
mighty engine of despotism, preponderated. They were, as 
Botta well expres.ses it, "Protestants against Protestantism 
itself," and added to the other pressing inducements t^ emi- 
gration the higher sanctions of religious duty. Many be. j\eu 
tliemselves under the immediate direction of heaven. The 
ttern traits of the English Puritans, so remarkable in the civil 
wars of the first CharU^s, and under the Comnioaweahh, 
were strong in the Pilgrims of Plymouth Rock, gradually 
losing, in their descendants, under the benign influence of a 
better knowledge and wider freedom, the fanaticism which 
predominated at home ; but preserving their Dious trust in 



Jo HISTORY OF THE 

Providence, their frugal habits, exact morals, and vigllanl 
sense of independence. The parliamentary act of uniformity, 
passed in 166"2, by which two thousand of the most con- 
scientious Presbyterian preachers were arbitrarily deprived 
of their livings, for refusing to subscribe to certain articles 
of belief, sent great numbers of the most learned and pious 
ministers of that faith into exile in the Colonies, where they 
contributed essentially to sustain this tone of elevated reli- 
gious feeling. Many of them were thoroughly educated in 
the best English universities ; and to them, the general diffu- 
sion of education, in the infancy of the Colonies, is mainly to 
be attributed. Tho«:e who have seen how extensive even now 
is the inlluenco of the clergy of New England, over the 
minds and feelings of the people, can v.ell imagine what 
must, in that day, have been the reception of so many zeal- 
ous ministers, who had sacrificed every thing to conscience. 
As it was in INJassachusetts, then the mother colony of New 
England, so it was in the other Colonies, which took their 
rise from her, and followed her examples of severe virtue, 
when they dissented from and resisted her religious disci- 
pline. Connecticut and New Haven, at first separate colo- 
nies, were principally peopled by emigrants from Massachu- 
setts, in the spirit of voluntary adventure, without compulsion, 
and at first acted under her authority. But it must be recorded, 
as one of the anomalies of human nature, that New Hamp- 
shire and Rhode Island rose out of the religious dissensions 
and persecutions of those who had themselves been exiled 
by persecution. Exeter, the first settlement in New Hamp- 
shire, was founded in 10."-}8, by a party of Colonists, who had 
been compelled to leo'. e Massachusetts, for adopting the pe- 
culiar reliffious sentiments which Mrs. Hutchinson taught, 
and for which she had been excommunicated; and two years 
previo'is, Roger Williams, under similar persecutions, had 
established the colony of Rhode Island. This latter case, in 
«ar!icular, affords striking proof of the inconsistency of men. 
in the new possession of power, and inexperienced in the 
practical application of universal principles to affairs touch- 
ing th<Mr individual consciences; and, at the same time, it 
demonstrates how happily the character of the Colonists was 
adapted to defeat the effects and consequences of those an- 
tiquated errors, and to prove religious despotism as incom- 
patible with the condition of America as political despotism. 
Williams, banished from Massachusetts, for entertaining 

;ii l'..ali <..jU.-k i.i,vu- 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. '^ 

Views of the right of private opinion, in religious nriatters 
and the injustice of government interference in pomts of 
faiUi too liberal to suit the Synod, established in 1636, the 
colony of Providence, so called in gratitude for his deliver- 
ance upon the basis of entire freedom of conscience. There 
he was Subsequently joined by many others, maintaining the 
same liberality of sentiment. The sternness of rehgious en- 
teLrn was softened in them by the benevolent influences 
of the r tderant institutions, and the effect was gradually re- 
Srned to the mother colony in which they had been pro- 
crfbed enlarging the kindlier traits of the New England 
chSer without affecting its exact sobriety of manners ; 
i^^igorous Contempt of luxury, or its pious elevation of sen- 

*'Xr were these ecclesiastical dissensions springing as they 
did out of a European taint of error, and defeated by the 
operations of circumstances peculiar to America, unfavoura- 
We to the general cause of liberty. In a country so bound- 
less and with political freedom so entirely unrestrained, 
riigious intoleraLe had only the effect of dispersmg com- 
munities and multiplying new ^"lement Where state 
Dower could not restrain emigration, and the genius ol tne 
PpTe was averse to all arbitrary -titutions re^^^^^^^^^ 
rannv could be but a temporary ^sanity, and its truitswerea 
Ser enlightenment of public opinion, hostile to its repeti- 
tbn They who feared not to cross the ocean, then deemed 
ap rilous Ldertaking, in search of SJ-^- libfl^^^^; 
science could not fear to remove a few miles further to 
become entirely masters of their own actions. They who, 
undeT these defusions. drove forth their fellow colonists from 
amon. them found that persecution could not conquer i^ 
:Ss and 'that at every Attempt to oppress, -re figh " 
^nprl nrinciDles ^rew up n every direction, beyond tneir 
reach The^^ility of the effort, a's well as the natural reac- 
i?n s'timurated byL increasing ^-edom of pohical inquiry 
.oon checked this intolerant spirit. Out of the ardent dis 
rions'and controversies, and the --,;^ JFO-^^^il,^ 
uhlch thev lod. grew grenter liberty of thought , inore suDue 
• .' uiry into o, iginal piinciples ; a stronger assertion of md^- 
vidual rights, an aptitude to inquire "§1^/^ ^^"^7^^ 1^7^^ 
sions to authority over them, and promptness to repel en 

"^IttghUo be added, in justice to the New England clergy 



20 HISTORY OF THE 

of the period, that these mistaken notions of religious supre- 
macy were, by no means, accompanied by any predilection 
for arbitrary power in politics. As a body, they were, from 
the beginning, among the sturdiest defenders of the rights of 
the Colonies. In the ver}' midst of their highest intolerance, 
at a very early j)eriod of the attempts of the royal authority 
r.gainst the colonial charters, they gave a unanimous evidence 
of their love for political liberty. In the year preceding that 
in which Providence was peopled by their persecutions, 
movements were made in England, hostile to the charter, 
and the design avowed of forming all New England into a 
consolidated government. The Colonists, in alarm, summoned 
the ministers, as "the fathers of the Commonwealth," to aid 
the magistrates with their counsel. All but one met at Boston, 
in 1635, and unanimously advised, that if the scheme of a 
general government should be persisted in, and a royal go- 
vernor sent out, th«^ Colonists "ought not to accept him, but 
defend their lawfu nv.>ssessions, if able; otherwise, to avoid 
and protract." Neai\y l5fty years afterwards they manifested 
a like intrepid spirit, a.\d the historian Hutchinson says, that 
they "turned the scale in favour of resistance to the arbitrary 
measures of Charles 11. The struggle between the Colony 
and the king's officers had been long and violent; and the 
ogents of the province in London, had written home in 
c':espondenc3', representing their case as desperate, and 
('psiring the general court to determine whether, since many 
cities in England and some of the plantations had subm.itted, 
it Avere better " to resign ' to his majesty's pleasure, or suffer 
a quo warranto to issue. Under the advisement of the 
ministers, after debate, it was concluded, in a magnanimous 
]'hra';e that deserves commemoration, that they would not 
.-iibmit, for "it was better to die by the hands of others, than 
by their own." 

Though these religious persecutions chieflv' prevailed in 
Xew England, yet their influences extended through the 
whole country, to whirh New England contributed so much 
of population, and such prominent traits of character. Other 
colonies too, jnactised, at ditferenl times, a similar policy, 
und the same remarks are applicable to them. 

Returning from this digressive view of the effects of a par- 
ticular modification of the earlj' religious temperament of the 
mother colonies, which was necessar)"^ to a true estimate of 
their character, we find the same temperament, sometimes 



AMERtCAX REVOLUTION. 21 

under similar modifications, and always with similar effects, 
in the southern provinces. Originally, English dissenters, of 
the Presbyterian faith, peopled the northern settlements : In 
Pennsylvania the Quakers founded their city of refuge, and 
Episcopalians were the great majority in Virginia. Maryland 
had been made, at a very early period, the peaceful asylum 
of Catholics, who, tired of the violence of contending parties 
at home, each by turn persecutor or victim, as the state formed 
by turns an alliance with the strongest sect, established on the 
Chesapeake, the first community in the v,'orld, in w^hich en- 
tire freedom of conscience was a fundamental rnaxim of law. 
It preceded the settlement of Providence, by two years. St. 
Mary's, in INIaryland, was founded by Lord Baltimore, Avith 
a company of " Roman Cathohcs, of family and fortune, "about 
two hundred in number, in 16-34, The eispulsion of Roger 
Williams from Massachusetts, and his pilgrimage in search 
of a land of rest, did not take place till 1636. The new co- 
lony received numerous additions even from New England. 
The established church in Virginia made the same perilous 
error of judgment as the Synod of Massachusetts; and it 
forms a curious fact in the history of the human mind, that 
exiles from intolerant Episcopacy in Virginia; persecuted 
dissenters from puritan New England ; the Swedes driven 
by violence from Delaware, and French Huguenots from 
Europe, found generous protection and comjolete freedom of 
faith in a colony of Catholics. 

Still farther south the same religious feelings entered into 
the propelling motives of the emigrants, and impressed their 
traits upon subsequent generations. The first settlers south 
of Virginia were refugees from that state, fleeing from church 
persecutions, who established themselves on Albemarle Sound, 
in North Carolina, between 1640 and 1650. South Carolina 
received her first population from New England, and subse- 
quently a large accession of numbers in French Protest- 
ants, expelled from their native country by the perfidious 
and suicidal act of Louis XIV., in the revocation of the Edict 
of Nantz. Many of these families were to be found in every 
colony, and they w'ere firm advocates of tolerant principles. 
The German Palatines, too, escaping from persecution at home, 
came over in considerable numbers, and settled in different 
parts of the two Curolinas. Bound together by similarity of 
condition, common suffering* and identity of principles, these 
Colonists, though of various nations originally, soon acquired, 



^ HISTORY OF THE 

under the operation of the same strong moral influences, 
traits of character nearly uniform. By far the largest propor- 
tion of the population, even in the southern plantations, was 
received directly from Great Britain, or from the northern 
British settlements. The English language, English customs, 
habits of thought and political theories, prevailed over every 
other ; and emigrants from all other nations were soon fused 
into the general mass of English descendants. 

The laws, opinions, and institutions, which these had brought 
with them, were derived from the British constitution, itself 
the freest in Europe, and were made necessarily more liberal 
by the democratic tendencies and peculiar condition of those 
by whom they were re-established. To the theoretical free- 
dom, for which first the Puritans in England, and after them 
the Whigs contended, they superadded an impatience of 
restraint, and a repugnance to royal and ecclesiastical pre- 
rogative, which were continually strengthened by the ab- 
sence of all visible signs and memorials of these arbitrary 
institutions; by the equality of condition existing among 
themselves; by their peculiar occupation as agriculturalists, 
and by their physical position in the midst of an almost unte- 
nanted continent; and were finally aggravated to resistance 
and revolution by violent assaults. At the distance of three 
thousand miles from the pomp of courts, the seductive in- 
fluences of luxury, the ostentatious pretensions of fashion 
and wealth, the aristocracy and the peerage ; for the most 
part simple cultivators of the soil or hardy navigators ; — with 
no distinctions of rank among them, except such as were 
sent them in foreign rulers, and were, in consequence, more 
repulsive to their feelings — with no differences of condition, 
except in degrees of competence, as they were individually 
more or less industrious, frugal, austere, laborious, pious, — 
continually spreading over the country fresh settlements, still 
more widely removed from connexion with England ; and 
knowing little of her except in the orders and governors she 
sent them : — nothing existed naturally to conciliate their feel- 
ings towards the institutions of monarchy. Had no extraordi- 
nary dissensions broken out to precipitate the course of events, 
it would have been not the less impossible for such a people, 
so situated and trained, and of such dispositions, to remain 
subject to a foreign power. Everything in their position 
and character tended invariabl^i to independence ; and not 
onlj^ to independence, but to democratic institutions. So 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 2?j 

clear was this tendency, while they were yet in their infancy, 
that when the Commission was appointed, in 1661, by Charles 
II., to "settle the peace of the Colonies," the famous Earl 
of Clarendon, in his draught of their instructions, added as a 
commentary upon the stubborn spirit of the Colonies — "They 
are already hardened into republics." 

Though a peaceable separation must inevitably have taken 
place at some day, not far distant, as surely as the child discovers 
his capacity to take care of himself, and becomes independent 
of his parents ; it might have ha])pened, as is often the case in 
the same domestic relation, that dependence would be pro- 
tracted long after any necessity existed on either side for 
mutual aid. AlFection Avould certainly have done much to 
preserve, in America, tender recollections and grateful def- 
erence, long after power would have failed to exact obedience, 
or the comparative resources of the two countries would have 
justified any claim to superiority on the part of Great Britain. 
But such was not the relation between Great Britain and the 
Colonies. As the parent country, she was, from the begin- 
ning, an unnatural parent; one who neglected her offspring; 
left them to their own exertions for preservation and support ; 
and never inquired into their welfare, until she thought it 
time to put in a technical claim to a portion of their earnings. 
Nothing in her conduct towards them in their weakness v.'as de- 
signed or calculated to touch their affections with a sense of gra- 
titude, and fortunately for them, they thus escaped the sense 
of dependence. They were fugitives from a tyranny, prac- 
tised under the forms of her constitution, into the wilderness ; 
and no relenting kindness followed them into exile, to sus- 
tain them in their labours, or sympathize in their sufferings. 
With their own means they escaped from her persecutions ; 
with their own hands they hewed out for themselves habita- 
tions in the forests ; fought their own way to power ; built 
up commonwealths ; established governments ; endowed col- 
leges, and carried on, at prodigious expense, warlike cam- 
paigns against their enemies and hers, with scarcely so much 
remuneration from her resources as would defray the cost of 
her own part of the military establishment, though the quarrels 
in the several French w ars, were, with slight exceptions, en- 
tirely her own. They spent vast sums, and lost the flow^er of 
their population, — not to insist upon their claims upon her for 
the heroism of their actions, — altogether for British objects ; in 
return for which, they only got empty thanks in the first in- 



24 HISTORY OF THE 

stance, and obloquy and persecution afterwards. Not till they 
had established a commerce, the monopoly of which was an 
object of gain to British merchants, were they deemed worthy 
of attention ; and they accordingly thrived on their own 
strength and industry. History records the jealousy of self- 
estimation with which they rejected ofl-ers of aid, at times 
when their own means were tasked, and the contest ought 
to have been exclusively British. Never was anything more 
foreign to recorded facts, or more revolting to t!ie true spirit 
of the Americans, than the boast so frequently made during 
the discussions just before the declaration of independence, 
by British orators, of the protection, indulgence, and bounty 
of Great Britain, and the ingratitude of the Colonics. We 
cannot better describe the true nature of these relations, than 
in the words of David Hartley, a British ^Vhig of high repu- 
tation, who was subsequently one of the British Cominlssion- 
ers for concluding the peace of 1783. Our extract is part of 
a vigorous speech, which he made in defence of America, in 
the British House of Commons, in 1775, and is interesting 
both as an historical item of interest, recapitulating authentic 
facts, which have an important bearing on the course of events 
we are describing, and as sustaining, on the best Bii'isl} au- 
thority, the fact of the actual independence of the Colonies, 
of all aid from Great Britain, in the times of their weakness. 
He said : 

" Whenever Great Britain has declared war, they (the 
Colonies) have taken their part. They were engaged in king 
William's wars, and queen Anne's, even in their infancy. 
They conquered Acadia in the last century, for us ; and we 
then gave it up. Again, in queen Anne's war, they con- 
quered Nova Scotia, w'hich, from that time, has always be- 
longed to Great Britain. They have been engaged in more 
than one expedition to Canada, ever foremost to partake of 
honour and danger with the mother country." 

"Well, Sir, what have we done for them? Have we con- 
quered the country for them from the Indians ? Have we 
cleared it ? Have we drained it ? Have we made it habit- 
able ? What have we done for them ? I believe, precisely 
nothing at all, but just keeping watch and ward over their 
trade, that they should receive nothing but from ourselves, 
at our own price. I will not positively say that we have 
spent nothing; though I do not recollect any such article 
uj)on our journals; but I mean any material expense in set- 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 25 

ting them out as Colonists. The royal military government 
of Nova Scotia cost, indeed, not a little sum ; above £500,000 
for its plantation, and its first years. Had your other colonies 
cost anything similar either in their outset or support, there 
would have been something to say on that side ; but, instead 
of that, they have been left to themselves for one hundred or 
one hundred and fifty years, upon the fortune and capital of 
private adventurers, to encounter every difficulty and danger. 
What towns have we built for them ? What desert have we 
cleared ? What country have we conquered for them from 
the Indians ? Name the officers — name the troops — the ex- 
peditions — their dates. Where are they to be found ? Not 
in the journals of this kingdom. They are nowhere to be 
found." 

"In all the wars which have been common to us and them, 
they have taken their full share. But in all their own dan- 
gers, in the difficulties belonging separately to their situation, 
in all the Indian wars which did not immediately concern 
us, we left them to themselves to struggle their way through. 
For the whim of a minister, you can bestow half a million to 
build a town, and to plant a royal colony of Nova Scotia; a 
greater sum than you have bestowed upon every other colony 
together." 

"And notwithstanding all these, which are the* real facts, 
now that they have struggled through their difficulties, and 
begin to hold up their heads, and to show that empire whicli 
promises to be the foremost in the world, we claim them and 
theirs, as implicitly belonging to us, without any considera- 
tion of their own rights. We charge them with Ingratitude, 
without the least regard to truth, just as if this kingdom had 
for a century and a half, attended to no other object; as if 
all our revenue, all our power, all our thought had been be- 
stowed upon them, and all our national debt had been con- 
tracted in the Indian wars of America ; totally forgetting the 
subordination in commerce and manufactures, in which we 
have bound them, and for which, at least, we owe them help 
towards their protection." 

" Look at the preamble of the act of navigation, and every 
American act, and see if the interest of this country is not 
the avowed object. If they make a hat or a piece of steel, an 
act of parliament calls it a nuisance ; a tilting hammer, a steel 
furnace, must be abated in America as a nuisance. Sir, I 
speak from facts* I call your books of statutes and iournals 

C 



26 HISTORY OF THE 

to witness ; with the least recollection, every one must ac- 
knowledge the truth of these facts." 

Thus this wise and upright statesman bore testimony to 
the spirit and courage of the Colonies, and vindicated their 
claim to a character for noble independence, at the very time 
when the ministry was insisting that they should be, in his 
forcible description of British legislation, " taxed and talliaged, 
to pay for the rod of iron" preparing for them. 

Under such circumstances, physical, religious, and politi- 
cal, as Ave have attempted thus cursorily to describe, the pe- 
culiar character of the Colonies, as it existed in the middle 
of the eighteenth century, was formed. Without taking into 
consideration those active causes of distrust, Avhich were con- 
stantly occurring to w^eaken the feelings of attachment be- 
tween the two countries, some of which we shall shortly re- 
capitulate, it is obvious, that in a people of such a temper, 
with so fine a country and but a feeble political connexion 
with a distant power, existed all the elements of an inde- 
pendent nation. Proud, enterprising, hardy, virtuous — ra- 
pidly growing in wealth and consequence-, by the expansive 
nature of their own energies — entirely unrestricted in terri- 
tor}'', and untrammelled by ancient errors, they had but few 
points in common with any other nation; and every year 
seemed to separate them more distinctly, as prepared for a 
new and peculiar frame of government. 

Notwithstanding these lines of separation gradually diverg- 
ing more and more widely, and notwithstanding all the 
original bitterness of feeling and personal disappointments, 
which the first Colonists carried over with them, it is beyond 
doubt, that their descendants, for several generations, en- 
tertained a lively affection^ for the land of their European 
ancestors. Und'er the severest trials from the aggressions 
of Great Britain, they still spoke of her with tenderness 
as of a parent, harsh through a noble temper, misguided by 
evil counsellors. Most of them had foresight enough to see the 
tendency of her measures, when they invaded colonial 
rights, and firmness enough to meet them with instant re- 
monstrance and zealous opposition ; yet few ever attributed 
them to a settled design upon the liberties of America, until 
the Stamp Act and its successors were passed. Even at a 
very late period of their dissensions, a revolution formed 
no part of their scheme of redress; and wise, honesty ^nd 
fearless men doubted to the very day, that independence was 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 27 

proclaimed. The principal men in the Colonies had received 
their education in England, and the endearing appellation 
of the "mother countiy," commonly used in speaking of 
her, shows how kindly she was remembered in after life. A 
voyage to England was familiarly called, going "home." 
These connexions were numerous in every colony, and 
the first and best educated men, everywhere in America, 
were attached to England and Englishmen by personal ties 
of blood and intimate relations of friendship. Their attach- 
ments were strengthened still more by a community of party 
feeling. The Colonists felt with, and uniformly aided, the 
popular party in England, to the extent of their power, and 
sympathized with them in all their adversities, as brethren and 
fellow sufferers. To the Tories and high-church men who were 
the advocates of arbitrary power in England, were opposed 
the Puritans and Whigs, and their descendants, kindred in 
blood and in sentiment to the first settlers in this country. 
The oppressions of America, whether by the Charleses, or 
James the II., or the administrations that followed his expul- 
sion, had generally a resisting minority in England ; friends 
of America, who took up her cause as one of their domestic dis- 
putes. The violent invasions of the charters, that were so 
ably resisted, created no national discord between the coun- 
tries, because both were struggling in a common cause, for 
the establishment of common principles, and the same con- 
stitutional doctrines. The Magna Charta — the Bill of Rights, 
and the theoretic freedom of the British constitution, were 
invariably appealed to by America, in all cases of controversy 
between the colonial legislatures and the lords proprietaries, 
or the royal governors. Community of language and litera- 
ture added new force to these ties ; and, what was subse- 
quently complained of as a great grievance, the close intimacy 
of commercial inteixourse, under the operation of restrictive 
duties and the navigation acts, had originally, by no means 
an unfavourable effect. The principles of trade and com- 
merce were not then understood as they are now. The re- 
straining acts of the British parliament, which monopolized 
the navigation and trade of America, and prohibited many 
important branches of manufacture, had no sensible effect 
upon the prosperity of the Colonies, and were deemed to be 
within the legitimate powers of government. The colonial 
system was such as the contemporaneous practice of all na,- 
tions and aU experience seemed to justify; and without much 



ISS HISTORY OF THE 

critical inquiry, feeling no immediate evil, owing to the laxity 
with which it was administered, they acquiesced in it ; receiv- 
ing as an apparent remuneration, the protection of the British 
flag, and the use of English capital. It was not until the com- 
mencement of the year 17(>4, when, under the bold schemes 
of taxation and subjection, adopted by the ministry, political 
rights began to be so keenly discussed, that the commercial 
question was seriously investigated with a hostile spirit. 
Some of the relaxations of the strict system, which had been 
tolerated through motives of prudence, were about that time 
suddenly and capriciously suspended. The Colonies soon 
learnt, under the smart of this infliction, that however the 
theory of the British constitution might create a distinction 
between the two kinds of taxation — for revenue and for the 
regulation of commerce — both were, in fact, equally repug- 
nant to their natural rights, as well as unworthy of their 
powerful and prosperous condition. Men's minds then began 
to stir themselves, in acute inquiries into the whole history 
of the British policy towards America, and the whole theory 
of British supremacy. An attempt to raise taxes for revenue, 
as well as for commercial regulations, ended in the denial of 
the right to do either ; and the affirmance of the power of 
parliament, to bind " in all cases whatsoever," resulted in the 
total loss of power. Till the Peace of Paris, in 176^3, neither 
the collisions that had taken place, nor the selfish and op- 
pressive laws which had been enacted, from time to time, 
had affected seriously the general good disposition of the 
Colonies to the mother country. Those dispositions con- 
tinued, subject only to the gradual weakening arising from 
change of circumstances, — occasionally wounded by some 
glaring act of tyranny, but never altogether alienated, — until 
the projects of the Grenville ministry, commencing in 1763-4, 
which roused the resentment of all America, and united 
them in the rejection of all political dependence whatever 
on Great Britain. 

It is foreign to the purpose of this work to trace the alter- 
nate diminutions and partial restoration of these kindly 
sentiments, or to detail the various modes, and numerous 
instances in which the spirit of independence displayed it- 
self in their actions and principles. Those who are famihar 
with the colonial annals, know how replete they are with 
anecdotes of personal and public virtue and heroism — how 
they abound in the best examples of patient industry, and 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 29 

grave sobriety of deportment, united to the liveliest sensibility 
to noble actions and motives, and the keenest watchfulness in 
defence of civil liberty. They must be studied attentively 
by all who desire a just acquaintance with the facts of colonial 
history, and the character of the colonists. The limits of the 
present volume will not permit more than the general sketch, 
made thus briefly of the principles and motives, and their 
sources, to which the world owes the establishment of 
American Liberty by the revolution. Still confinmg our 
selves, though less strictly, to results rather than details of 
fact, to the course of events bearing directly upon the 
relations between Great Britain and her Colonies, rather 
.han to a mere narrative of consecutive facts, — the French 
war of 1756, ending in 1763, at the Peace of Paris, will 
occupy the ensuing chapter. In it will be found, many of 
the proximate causes and provocations, which operating on 
the American Colonies, hastened the separation of the two 
countries. 



30 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER III. 



The Peace of Paris, which, after a century and a half of 
warfare between Great Britaiii and France, for suf rcmacy in 
America, established connplctcly the British ascendency, was 
signed at Paris by the ministers of Great Britain, France, 
Spain, and Poitugal, on the 10th of February, 176^3. France 
lost by it all her ancient possessions in America, except 
the town of New Orleans, and a few scattering settlements 
on the Mississippi. England gained from France a renunci- 
ation and guarantee of Nova Scotia, (then called Acadie.) 
Canada, and the islands in the river and Gulf of St. Lawrence : 
and from Spain a cession and guarantee of Florida, and all 
Spanish claims and possessions in North America, east and 
south-east of the INIississippi. The British American domin- 
ions, therefore, extended from the north-eastern cxtremit\' 
of the continent to the Gulf of Mexico, and from the Missis- 
sippi to the Atlantic ; a mighty territory, acquired by immense 
labour and after many expensive wars, which was destined 
to be lost to the crown of Britain, in a few years, by its own 
folly and cupidity. The new acquisitions were e.'-ected, by 
proclamation, in October of the same year, into three 
new governments, under the titles of Quebec, East Florida, 
and West Florida. The policy of the English cabinet 
towards the Colonies then took that decided tone, which 
had occasionally appeared before, but had never been perse- 
vered in against their prompt remonstrances, while the 
French V\ere in such dangerous proximity. Relieved now 
from this apprehension, and no longer requiring their aid to 
maintain the ascendenc}' of the British arms, they com menced 
that system of government and taxation, which provoked the 
resistance of America and separated the empire. 

What added to the anxiety of Great Britain to strengthen 
her power over the Colonies, was the great resources they 
had displayed during that war. They had, in fact, made 
prodigious exertions — raised troops and money, and con- 
tinued to raise them, year after year, with unexpected spirit, 
and far beyond their proportion of service, as pait of the 
British nation. One year with another, they kept twenty 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 31 

five thousand men in the field, during the whole seven years. 
When the elder Pitt, in 1758, called upon the colonial 
governors for the largest levies the population would allow, 
three colonies, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Hamp- 
shire, voted him fifteen thousand men. In one day J£i20,000 
sterling were subscribed by individuals in the town of Boston 
alone, to encourage enlistment. Minot estimates the cost of 
that campaign to the colonial treasury of Massachusetts, at 
£120,000, and to private persons, at d£60,000 more. In one 
3'ear Massachusetts had in the field 7,000 troops, " a greater 
levy," says Minot, "for a single province, than the three 
kingdoms had made, collectively, since the revolution," 
seventy years before. Such was the intrepidity of that 
ancient and " unterrified" commonwealth — the more com- 
mendable, as we shall see, because she was, at the same 
time, stoutly contending for her privileges against the king's 
prerogative. The other colonies showed a similar spirit. 
There were seven thousand provincial troops in the campaign 
under Winslow, in 1756. In the next year, the Earl of 
Loudon, the commander-in-chief, made a requisition of four 
thousand troops, which were supplied immediately from New 
England. But eighteen hundred of the number were appor- 
tioned to Massachusetts, because she had already so many sol- 
diers in the field ; yet, w^hen four additional companies wer? 
called for in the next year, they too were furnished. Half of 
the army of Amherst, that made the northern campaign, in 
which Quebec was taken by Wolfe, was composed of pro- 
vincials. They were present and active at the capture of 
Louisburgh — they took the Island of Cape Breton — they 
conquered Forts Frontenac and Duquesne. We have the 
tesflrnony of the same Mr. Hartley, from whom we quoted 
before, in favour of the vast importance of these services to 
the issue of the war, by which Great Britain gained so much. 
"The Americans," he said, "turned the success of the war 
at both ends of the line. General Monckton took Beausejour 
in Nova Scotia, with fifteen hundred provincial troops, and 
about tAvo hundred regulars. Sir William Johnson, in the 
other part of America, changed the face of the war to success, 
with a provincial army, Avhich took Baron Dieskau prisoner. ; 
But, Sir, the glories of the war under the united British and 
American arms, are recent in every one's memory. Suffice 
it to decide this question, that the Americans bore, even in ' 
our judgment, more than their full proportion; that this 



32 HISTORY OF THfe 

House did annually vote them an acknowledgment of their 
zeal and strenuous efforts and compensation lor the excess 
of their zeal and expenses, above their due proportion." 

A large continental force was at the reduction of Marti- 
nique, in 176-2, and Spain having joined in the war, they 
helped largely in tlie capture of Havana for England. By sea, 
loo, they were no less zealous. It is on record, that their own 
ships were stripped of sailors to man the navy of Great Britain, 
ft was admitted, in debate, in the House of Commons, in 
1775, that ten thousand American seamen were in the British 
naval service, in the war of 1756. Four hundred armed 
vessels issued from their ports against the commerce of 
France and Spain. 

For these services and exertions, which are cited as 
evidence of their warm attachment of Great Britain, they 
received tardy thanks and slower remuneration. It is com- 
puted that they had a just claim upon the British government 
for £3,000,000 more than the sums voted as indemnity. 
They bore, in fact, the burden of the conflict, by which an 
immense territory was won for Great Britain, and a formida- 
ble rival finally discomfited. 

The return of the government for these services and 
sufferings would have chilled the warmest affections. It had 
a strong effect, when subsequently mixed up with more 
direct aggressions, in alienating the feelings of the Colonists. 
The jealousy which had more than once been manifested 
in England, against the growth of the Colonies, provoked 
by their political intrepidity, was aggravated into settled 
prejudice by the strength and resources they had exhibited. 
Instead of gratitude for the zeal and bravery by which a 
peace so advantageous had been won, the peace itself had 
opposers, because it relieved the Colonies from French hos- 
tility, and thus lessened their dejjcndence on Great Britain. 
While the negotiations were pending, a project was se- 
riously entertained, and defended in ministerial pamphlets, 
to restore Canada to France in exchange for some of her 
possessions elsewhere, tor the avowed purpose of keeping the 
Colonics in check by an enemy. It was on this occasion 
that Dr. Franklin's celebrated Canada pamphlet was written 
to expose the injustice and illibendity of such a treaty. The 
royal proclamation which followed the peace, regulating the 
new conquests, contained a provision* aimed against the 
further growth of the colonies westward. It forbade strictly 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 33 

all settlements in the old colonies, beyond the heads of the 
rivers that run eastwardly into the Atlantic. Consistent with 
this same policy, selfish and ungrateful as it was, every 
discouragement and prohibition was opposed to the formation 
of inland settlements, with the express design of confining 
the Colonies, as the Board of Trade, in a subsequent report, 
officially stated, "within reach of the trade and commerce 
of Great Britain." 

Such was the temper with which the war of 1756 was 
concluded. Its commencement had been signalized by a 
similar line of policy, manifested in another mode. The 
history of the Albany plan of Union, projected in 1754, and 
Avhich failed from the same unreasonable jealousy of Ame- 
rica, is worthy to be quoted here, both in pursuance of our 
plan of bringing together the principal provocations which 
led to American resistance, and the proximate causes which 
disturbed the harmony between the two countries, and as 
an interesting item of colonial history. 

War with France had become inevitable, although not de- 
clared. Orders were accordingly dispatched from England for 
the Colonies to hold themselves in readiness. These were ac- 
companied by a recommendation from the Board of Trade, to 
form a confedejation for joint defence, and an alliance with the 
Indians. Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, recommended 
a convention, which was accordingly held at Albany, and a 
plan of union, drawn up by Benjamin Franldin, was adopted, 
and, singularly enough, signed on the 4th of July. It proposed 
to apply to parliament for an act to establish a general 
government in the Colonies, to be administered by a Presi- 
dent General, appointed by the king, to possess the whole ex- 
ecutive power, with a veto power on all laws, and be assisted 
by a Grand Council elected by the Colonies. They were to 
have the joint power of declaring war and making peace ; 
to conclude treaties with the Indian tribes, regulate trade 
with them, and purchase their lands either in the name of 
the Crown or of the Union ; to settle new colonies and make 
law^s concerning them, until erected into separate govern- 
ments ; to raise troops, build forts, fit out armed vessels, and 
use other means for national defence. For these purposes 
they were to be empowered to lay and collect taxes, &c. 

The Colonies undertook, if this plan were accepted, to 
defend themselves against the French, without any assistance 
from Great Britain. Connecticut dissented in conventiou 



^ HISTORY OF THE 

from the plan, as depiivin<5 the separate colonies of their 
taxing power, and it was rejected by the king in council, as 
an attempt to establish too much independence. The counter 
project, drawn up by the ministry, and transmitted for the 
consideration of the Colonies, was artfully devised to obtain 
a general sanction by the Colonies themselves of the parlia- 
mentary right of taxation for revenue. It proposed a sort of 
congress of the governors and some members of the councils 
to act for all the Colonies, and to draw, in the first instance, 
for the expenditures on the British treasur}^, reimbursable by 
" a tax to be laid on the Colonies by act of parliament." 
This would have been an unqualified surrender of the 
revenue power to the discretion of men, for the most part, 
appointed by the ministry; and it was ably exposed in 
Dr. Franklin's celebrated letter to Governor Shirley. He 
therein, after touching the constitutional difficulties, made 
a bold and convincing summary of the benefits enjoyed 
by Great Britain in her monopoly of American commerce 
and manufactures — benefits Avhich he estimated to cost 
America more for the gain of England, than any fair 
proportion of the taxes of the United Kingdom. Public 
attention was keenly awakened by the discussion in that 
letter, which embodied, in a sententious manner, many argu- 
ments subsequently employed against British supremacy. 
The projected plan failed on both sides, and Great Britain, 
however reluctantly, was obliged to bring her own forces into 
the field, and bear some portion of the cost. 

Minor controversies between the royal and colonial autho- 
rities also constantly occurred during the war, that tended to 
irritate and renew old irritations. Though not of importance 
enough, considered separately, to have permanently affected 
the relations of the two countries, yet taken in connexion 
with circumstances immediately preceding, and followed up 
by grosser aggravations, they were, in a subsequent review of 
the conduct of Great Britain, believed to be the fruits and the 
evidence of an inveterate prejudice against the Americans, 
and a settled hostility against their principles. The royal 
regulation concerning the relative rank of colonial officers and 
the regular troops, created great disgust and dissatisfaction, 
especially in Virginia, where, but for the magnanimity of the 
Virginia officers, it would have totally broken up the cam- 
paign of 175(), under Generals Winslow, and Abercrombie, and 
the Earl of Loudon. In the subsequent year, a controversy 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 35' 

of great asperity was carried on between the Massachusetts 
general court and the British commander-in-chief, Lord 
Loudon. He undertook to insist upon their providing quar- 
ters for the British troops, pursuant to the acts of the British 
parliament. The demand was at first complied with, warily, 
and with the protestation that it was granted, not as a " matter 
of right," but as a free-will advance of money on the 
" national account." Upon a repetition of the claim, the 
magistrates refused compliance, and were sustained by the 
legislature, in the spirit and on the principles that afterwards 
produced the revolution. They told him that the magistrates 
were responsible to them, and bound only by the laws of the 
colony of Massachusetts, and that the acts of parliament, in 
question, were not binding in America. By their charter 
they claimed all civil power, the enjoyment of which privi- 
leges they told him "was their support under all burdens." 
The same year was distinguished by angry contests concern- 
ing the right of taxation, between the Governor and Assembly 
of Pennsylvania. The agent in England, who managed the 
controversy for the colony against the proprietaries, was 
Benjamin Franklin; and in that field of inquiry, involving 
the principles of taxation and representation, his acute mind 
was trained for the noble part which he was afterwards called 
upon to sustain in the revolution. 

Other colonies were similarly vexed ; but the dispute in 
Massachusetts, in 1761, between the prerogative party, 
headed by Governor Bernard and Lieutenant Governor (then 
Chief Justice) Hutchinson, on the one side, and the people 
of Boston on the other, concerning writs of assistance, is 
deserving of more particular notice, by reason of the boldness 
of the doctrines advanced on the colonial side, and their 
influence on subsequent events. Opposition already existed 
to the revenue laws, as administered, and the custom-house 
officers, representing themselves to be obstructed in the per- 
formance of their duties, applied for writs of assistance, 
according to the usage of the exchequer in England. The 
material question arose, whether the practice of the English 
Exchequer was obligatory on colonial courts, and thence the 
argument turned upon the character of the process prayed for. 
James Otis, who was Advocate General for the Admiralty, 
resigned his office, to appear in behalf of the citizens of 
Boston, in opposition to the claim. His speech has been 
quoted by Ex- President, thp fijst Adams, as a masterly 



36 HISTORY OF THE 

exposition of colonial rights, under the charters, and of 
human rights, independently of all charters, against all 
assumptions of unjust power in every form, whether by force 
of precedents, the usurpations of monarchy, or the decisions 
of legal tribunals against the principles of liberty. He went 
over the history of the charters, and those who founded the 
colony " by the sweat of their brows ; at the hazard and 
sacrifice of their lives; without the smallest aid, assistance, 
or comfort from the government of England, or from England 
as a nation — On the contrary, meeting with constant jealousy, 
envy, and intrigue against their cliarter, their religion, and 
all their privileges," and " reproached the nation, parliament, 
and king with injustice, illiberality, ingratitude, and oppres- 
sion in their conduct." 

His courageous argument and spirited invective carried 
the point in favour of popular rights. The demand for the 
writ was in effect defeated. If granted by the court at all, 
which is an uncertain point, it never was formally announced, 
and they certainly were never used. Mr. Adams, who heard 
the oration of Otis, thought it the ablest he ever knew^^ and 
ranked it among the principal preparatory events to the 
revolution. He adds, "I do say, in the most solemn manner, 
that ]Mr. Otis' oration against writs of assistance breathed into 
this nation the breath of life." 

The records of those times furnish us with many similar 
instances which we might quote, of harshness and unkind- 
ness on the one side, and resentment and remonstrance on 
the other; of power occasionally assuming the port of tyranny, 
and resistance rising almost to independence. They may 
also be traced, fewer and less palpable in their effects, back* 
through the whole colonial history. We cite them here 
partly as signs of the prevailing temper of the Colonies ; but 
chiefly to mark the disposition of the mother country towards 
them, under circumstances calling for grateful indulgence 
and support. At the very time when Americans were pouring 
out their best blood in every part of the continent, for her 
glory and advantage, — in Canada, on the Ohio, in the West 
Indies; fighting her battles and conquering for her, posses- 
sions larger in extent than the whole United Kingdom ; she 
was, without compunction, prosecuting, as fast as her own 
share of these dangers gave her leisure, a scheme to deprive 
them of rights earned by two centuries of patient industry 
and indomitable courage. We have seen that in the peace 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 37 

of 1763, she used the power that they had earned lor her, in 
a spirit of envy at their prosperity, and dread of their in- 
crease — that she was near sacrificing an important conquest 
to maintain in Canada an enemy to overawe them; and that 
her first action in regulating these conquests, was designed 
to repress their growth, by confining their enterprise to the 
Atlantic coast, in the fear that they might else penetrate 
into the interior, beyond the reach of her taxing power. 
Dissatisfaction naturally prevailed, especially in the NeAv" 
England colonies, who had done and suffered most. Had a new 
system succeeded at that time, things might have relapsed into 
their old state, as in cases of former difficulty. Perhaps, if due 
honour had been paid to their military exploits, and soothing 
expedients used to quiet the fears of parliamentary encroach- 
ment and British injustice, which had become general shortly- 
after the close of the war, no immediate danger to their 
political connexion with England, would have followed. The 
recollection of common toils, achievements, and victories, 
during the war, added to the many other common sympathies 
which existed, might, under the influence of generous treat- 
ment, and with cautious forbearance, have quieted the dissa- 
tisfaction and preserved, for many years, a close but gradually 
relaxing connexion between England and America. 

Unhappily for Great Britain, other counsels were adopted. 
No pause was allowed in the prosecution of the design to 
break the spirit and subvert the rights of the Colonies. New 
and odious restrictions upon their commerce followed rapidly 
after the peace. Their minds, already ill-disposed by other 
vexations, were exasperated by the abuse of those powers 
over the regulation of their commerce, which they con -eded 
to belong to the British parliament ; and in that temper ;i bold 
usurpation was attempted of the power to tax for lo venue 
without their consent; — thus to deprive them of their char- 
tered rights and reduce them to unconditional slavery. 

A historical and statistical view of the separate c> Monies 
does not come within the scope of this work. Up to *'ie war 
of 1756, with the exception of the early New England 
Confederation, they had acted, in all cases, as ('istinct 
'governments, united occasionally against a common c'lemy; 
and communicating with each other on subjects of ■. mraon 
interest, but without any political union. Each • as in- 
dependent of the other, in fact — though, from t'l. :auseB 
we have endeavoured to explain, all pursued near! . e same 

D 



W§ HISTORY Of THE 

career, formed nearly the same opinion'', social and political, 
and established a like national character. The Albiiny plan 
of Union first brought them together, to consult upon a joint 
administration of their affairs, for common objects; and though 
that failed, the war which followed kept them united in 
feelings and identified them more closely together. Thence- 
forward, they were called to act and to think — to discuss, 
remonstrate, and finally to resist, by arms, together. From 
the war of 1756 to 1763, therefore, date, in point of fact, 
the first movements of the Colonies towards a more intimate 
union. Wc have dated, from the same period, their first 
movements towards independence. External violence and 
constitutional aggression impelled them, at once, to separate 
sovereignty and united councils. Liberty and union sprang 
into being together. They have been hitherto co-existent 
and inseparable. Their mutual dependence is established by 
experience, as a law of their nature; for while we have 
a warrant in the character of our people and the nature 
of their constitutions, that Union without liberty, which 
would be a frightful despotism, can never exist under the 
Avatchful jealousy of the states: we know that liberty 
without Union, would be a bj'e-word for anarchj- and con- 
fusion — the forerunner of border warfare and sanguinary 
conflicts without number, to impoverish, deg.ade, corrupt, and 
finally enslave all. 

The Anglo- American Colonies were thirteen in number. 
The four New England provinces were Massachusetts, in- 
cluding Maine, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode 
Island. The other nine were Nev/ York, New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, 
South Carolina, and Georgia. 

The population was variously estimated. At the breaking 
out of the war in 1776, it was little less than i/iree millions. 
In 17 19, the whole white population is estimated, as nearly 
as possible, from authorities of the time, to have been one 
million and fixty-six thousand. No materials exist for a pre- 
cise census, at any one intervening period. Censuses of 
separate colonies were made at different times, and documents 
from various sources enable us to make an estimate ap-* 
proaching to accuracy; that, at the beginning of the civil 
troubles, in 1764, the white inhabitants of the Colonies were 
'not fewer in number than a million and three quarters, and 
the blacks, from three to four hundred thousand. 



america:i revolution. 39 



CHAPTER IV. 

The great accession of power and territory by Great Britain, 
by the peace of 17G3, had not been gained without the usual 
concomitants of war — lavish expenditures of money, in- 
creased taxation, and a rapidly accumulating debt. Sinclair 
estimates the total charges of the war at more than one 
hundred and elefieii millions sterling, beyond the ordinary 
charges of the pe^ce establishment, which were about forty 
millions more. The clamours of the nation against the weight 
of the necessary taxes had had its effect in hastening the 
conclusion of peace, on terms v/hich, however favourable in 
themselves, were affirmed by a party in England, at the head 
of which was the elder Pitt, to be less than the successes of 
the British arms entitled them to demand. The Earl of Bute, 
as Prime Minister, had carried the war to its conclusion, and 
obtained a large majority in favour of the treaty, in the raontli 
of February. A few days afterwards, the supply bill for the 
year came up, and after vehement opposition, was also 
carried. On the 16th of April, Lord Bute unexpectedly 
resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. George Grenville. No 
other change of importance, either in the cabinet or its mea- 
sures took place. Parliament adjourned on the ' 
19th ; and on the death of the Earl of Egremont, p > . ' • 
ill the recess, the Earl of Sandwich was made principal 
Secretary of State, and the Earl of Hillsborough first Lord of 
Trade aad of the Plantations, which included the duties of 
Secretary for the Colonies. 

The king's speech, on the adjournment of parliament, 
alluded plainly to the financial distresses of the nation, and 
lamented the necessity that had existed for anticipating the 
revenues, largely, and imposing new burdens upon the 
people. 

In this state of public affairs, the nation, loaded with debt, 
discontented with the burden, and looking to the new 
minister to lighten the pressure, it became the anxious study 
of Mr. Grenville to devise means for recruiting the Treasury, 
and removing, as far as practicable, the causes of popular 
dissatisfaction. The new and flourishing field for taxation in, 
America, opened itself to his view. The war just ended. 



'• HISTORY OF THE 

had been, according to (he esLmate put upon it by EngIis^ 
writers, undertaken for American objects. The defence of the 
American frontier, and the repulse of an enemy who was 
invading the American provinces, were hastily assumed as 
merely colonial benefits, towards the cost of which 't was 
unjust that the Colonies should not pay their proportion in 
debt and taxes. No consideration was given to the reflection, 
that they had borne more than their, proportion in the war, 
both of men and money — that they had no share in the large 
conquests of territory which were gained to the empire — that 
the defence of a frontier is the business of the whole nation, 
and that the immense profits of the colonial monopoly to 
British commerce were a tax, heavy in proportion to their 
ability, which they paid beyond the rest of the king's 
subjects. The necessities of the British government required 
relief, and its cupidity was tempted by the proofs they had 
given of what they were capable of doing, and by the reports 
of their wealth and enterprise ; and its pride was touched by 
the tone of independence, manifested in all their actions and 
habits. To Great Britain, therefore, the project of a revenue 
from America, was, in the highest degree, pleasing. There 
was the expectation of lucrative sources of revenue, and 
of immediate relief from their own burdens — there were 
also the pride of dominion the haughtiness and self-confi- 
dence of vast military triumphs, and the firm belief that 
thirteen disunited provinces, thinly spread over a great 
territory, without soldiery or fleets, and strong only in their 
industry and the energies of the individual inhabitants, would 
not dare to stand up, seriously, in opposition to a great and 
powerful nation, whose navies covered the seas; whose 
armies had just discomfited the combined forces of France 
and Spain in both hemispheres, and were formidable to all 
Europe. To tax America, was therefore likely to be a popular 
measure, and although it did meet with opposition from a few, 
in the beginning, it is not to be questioned, that Mr. Grenville 
judged correctly of the sentiment of England in proposing 
it; and that the war undertaken to enforce it, was also, for a 
while, a popular measure there. With respect to America, 
however, it was a perilous experiment, as the event showed. 
The minister, as if unaware of its magnitude, projected 
and carried into operation, cotemporaneously with it, other 
revenue measures, which exasperated the minds of the 
Colonists against English authority. Before bringing forward 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 41 

his grand plan of taxation, he endeavoured to improve the 
state of the treasury, by enforcing the existing laws with 
greater rigor. Peremptory regulations were issued against 
smuggling, and for a vigorous execution of the navigation 
acts. These were extended to America and the West Indies, 
and they instantly roused the same excited feelings created by 
the celebrated controversy at Boston, in 1761, on the subject 
of writs of assistance. The acts laying duties on sugar and 
molasses, imported into the Colonies, had existed since 1733, 
in the reign of George II. The imposts, however, were so 
high as to amount, virtually, to a prohibition ; and in conse- 
quence they had been evaded or openly violated, with little 
interference by the British authorities. The trade was, in 
fact, beneficial to all parties, except in the single item of the 
revenue collected. We have already seen the consequences 
of former attempts to repress it, in 1761, accompanied by 
applications to the colonial court for extraordinary writs, in 
the nature of general search warrants, Avhich were met by 
the spirited opposition of the colony, and the bold denuncia- 
tion of Otis and others. During the recess of parliament, in 
1763, and the succeeding session, the Admiralty undertook 
to enforce the strict letter of the laws, and directed the com- 
manders of the public vessels, stationed on the coast, to act as 
revenue officers — to arrest, search, and confiscate all vessels 
engaged in contraband commerce. 

The most deplorable effects followed. The naval com- 
manders, unaccustomed to the service, without definite 
instructions, and practically irresponsible, made seizures and 
confiscations of all vessels employed in trade with the West 
Indies : and in effect annihilated it. They made the strictest 
possible construction of the acts of navigation ; and not only 
interrupted vexatiously and embarrassed all American trade, 
lawful and unlawful, with the French and Spanish islands 
and coionies, but nearly destroyed all intercourse with them. 
This intercourse had been extremely profitable, and the 
[)rofits accrued to England no less than to America. Colonial 
produce and British manufactures were exchanged for gold 
and silver coin and bullion, cochineal, medicinal drugs, and 
live stock. The entire commercial business of the Colonies 
was thus threatened with sudden and disastrous confusion, 
and universal alarm and distress prevailed. Their internal 
currency was deranged by the stoppage of their supplies of 
the precious metals : their means of remittance for British 

D2 



IP HISTORY OF THE 

manufactures were diminished, and their debts to British 
merchants accumulated. These things were not submitted 
to without strong remonstrances and repeated appeals to the 
interest, no less than the justice, of Great Britain. Resolu- 
tions against the useof Biitish manufactures became general, 
and a feeling of hostility to imported goods grew up rapidly. 
In the succeeding voar, the amount of English merchandize 
imported into the single cil}' of Boston, was diminished to 
the extent often thousand pounds sterling. A like decrease- 
took place in other towns and provinces, aftbrding a proof as 
well of the spirit of repugnance to the measures of the British 
government, as of the necessities of the Colonies, deprived 
of their customary business, and exhausted of their means of 
remittance. The session of 17(11 produced a change, called 
for by the British merchants and manufacturers, by which a 
part of the traffic between the Colonies and the West Indies, 
that had been arbitrarily suppressed, was expressly autho- 
lized, but under such enormous duties, as made it impossible 
to be carried on to advantage. At the same time, the 
payment of the new duties was required to be made in 
specie, at the British Treasury. To aggravate this injustice, 
a bill was passed, nearly contemporaneously, suppressing the 
bills of credit that had formed the currency of the Colonies, 
and ordering them to bo refused in payment for duties after 
a certain day. Penalties, incurred for breaches of these 
acts, were made recoverable in the courts of the particular 
colony, or any other admiralty court in the Colonies, at the 
option of the informer or prosecutor. By this tyrannical act, 
defendants might be carried, at the pleasure of the govern- 
ment agents, from one end of the continent to the other, to 
support their rights, and be deprived, according to the practice 
in the admiralty, of the benefits of a jury trial. Complaints 
and discontents of the Colonies against the general course of 
Great Britain towards them, coJistantly increased. 

At the same time that these commercial regulations, fol- 
lowing each other with rapidity in a few months, were 
exasperating the Colonics, I\Ir. Grenville, as first commis- 
sioner of the treasury, was revolving in his mind his scheme 
for raising revenue directly from America, by internal taxa- 
tion. Looking, at this distance of time, upon his measures, 
they seem to have been destitute of common prudence and 
gagacity ; or to have been devised in the insolence of power, 
for the purpose of crushing the Colonies at once. By a 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 43 

harassing and oppressive exercii:e of constitutional powers, 
never denied to the British govern mcnt, he kept them in a state 
of exasperation, and disposed to watch, with eager scrutiny, 
every movement of parliament which related to them. The 
molasses and sugar act, re-enacted in I7G1, contained in its 
preamble the first formal enactment, ever adopted, to raise 
revenue by taxation from America. That enactment con- 
nected the whole series of commercial restrictions and 
oppressions with the novel and already contested question of 
taxation. All the motives for complaint and resentment 
against Britain were thus united together. A grave consti- 
tutional argument was added to the subjects of controversy, 
and all the elements of opposition, in all parts of the con- 
tinent, brought, by the arrogance or unskilfulness of the 
minister, to bear together against him. To those abstract 
principles of liberty, which were cherished with such fer- 
vency among them, he had contrived, in a few months, to 
add all the provocations of anger and suffering — of passion 
and interest, — to quicken their impatient apprehensions of 
the new system of taxation he was about to impose upon 
them. The evils growing out of the treasury restrictions and 
the sugar act, were soon absorbed in the greater grievances 
and more dangerous consequences threatened by the stamp 
act, and the high-toned pretensions to absolute supremacy, 
set up by these various measures. 

The stamp-act project had been avowed some time before 
the other measures, though it was not carried in^p effect 
until some time afterwards. American taxation was an 
essential part of Mr. Grenville's financial plans, for the 
session of parliament, beginning on the 15th of November, 
1763. It is plain that he had at first his doubts of the con- 
stitutional question, or of the policy of pressing so strong 
an expedient at once. Instead of imposing these taxes 
as a regular method of raising revenue, he first gave 
notice of his intention, then introduced declaratory resolu- 
tions upon the expediency, afterwards inserted it in the 
preamble of a commercial act — the sugar act — and finally, 
after eighteen months of this hesitating policy, made the 
enactment, ii:i the cerebrated stamp act, in March, 1765, 
reciting the preamble of the sugar act as authority. This 
policy shows, at once, the consciousness of Mr. Grenville, 
that he was undertaking a task of importance and difii- 
oulty, and his determination to persevere. About the 



4p history of the 

close of the year 1763, he informed the Agents of the 
Colonies, in London, of his design of raising a revenue in 
America, and proposed to them to delay bringing forward 
any specific measure, in order to give the colonial legisla- 
tures the opportunity of proposing some plan acceptable to 
themselves. He ingeniously intimated, as a proof of his 
friendship to them, that by timely compliance with this hint, 
they might establish it as a precedent, that they should 
always be consulted on the subject of taxation. The propo- 
sition was artful, and had the alternative been accepted, 
would have obtained an explicit acknowledgment of the dis- 
puted right. He offered them no choice in the principle, but 
the right of taxation being assumed, he mentioned his prefer- 
ence for the stamps, leaving it to the Americans to select 
any other object for taxation, or mode of furnishing the sum 
required. It was promised, as an additional bait, that (he sum 
raised should be expended in America — an indulgence 
which but little sagacity was necessary to perceive to be 
altogether illusory, since there could be no security, the 
taxing power once admitted, that future sums, raised in the 
same way, would not be disposed of at the pleasure of those 
who had the right to receive them ; and because there was 
no limit to the sums that might be expended in America for 
British objects, against the will and adverse to the wishes 
and principles of the Americans. The sum required by Mr. 
Grenville was one hundred thousand pounds, to be used in 
part, in Jhe payment of ten thousand troops, to be quartered 
in America. This feature of the plan, by no means aided 
in reconciling the Americans to it, the presence of the 
regular troops having been always a cause of contention ; and 
the proposal to augment that force so largely in a time of 
peace, wearing the appearance of a design to over-awe them. 
History and the testimony of l^ritish writers has since given 
us a further insight into the designs of the ministry of that 
day, which were, unluckily for them, defeated by the prompt 
spirit of the colonies. A grand scheme is said to have been in 
agitation, for re-arranging the boundaries, and re-modeling 
the governments of the provinces; reducing them to nearly 
an equal size, and forming entirely new political institutions — 
to establish a standing force — increase the salaries of the 
governors and principal oflicers, and create new courts, 
officers, judges, &c., all to be appointed and paid by the 
crown, out of the proceeds of American taxation. An 



March, 1764. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 45 

American peerage is believed to have been part of this 
splendid scheme, well devised for perpetuating the power of 
a ministry, and enlarging the king's prerogative by the 
enormous mass of patronage which it offered. The first step 
was the power to tax, and the second, the raising of the 
troops, both of which met with resistance in the sturdy 
principles of America. 

When Mr. Grenville's proposal, with these modifications, 
was made to the agents in London, it did not appear to them 
in the odious light in which it was received by their consti- 
tuents at home. Some of them, in the first instance, waited 
upon the minister to return thanks for what seemed to them 
an indulgence. They transmitted it to their several legisla- 
tures, where it met with universal and indignant rejection ; 
not one of them acceded to its principle, in any shape. Two 
offered to raise the proportion in the ancient way, and after 
the usage of their predecessors. In the mean time, friends 
of America in London, became active in labouring to avert 
Uie danger. Towards the close of the session, in March, 
1764, the minister, in pursuance of his plan, as 
communicated to the agents, brought forward his 
budget of supplies for the year. The sugar bill was passed, 
avowing in the preamble, the expediency of levying taxes 
in America, for " defending, protecting, and securing the 
British colonies and plantations in America," — and the four- 
teenth resolution of the committee of ways and means, 
recited, that towards defraying the same expenses, "it might 
be proper to charge certain stamp duties in the said colonies 
and plantations." This was brought in on the 10th of March, 
and the execution postponed to the next session, with the 
express view of giving the colonies an opportunity of offering 
the substitute suggested. 

The popular and legislative movements, addresses, and 
remonstrances, hereinafter described or quoted, will explain 
sutliciently the constitutional grounds assumed in the colo- 
nies, in opposition to this claim of power, and resistance to 
the acts in which it was afterwards contained. A few 
historical items may be acceptable, to show how tenaciously 
the same rights had been insisted upon by them in the earliest 
times when they were too weak to resist oppression, and only 
strong in sagacity and love of liberty. 

The right of the British parliament to impose taxes for the 
regulation of trade, had never been altogether denied, though 



411 



HISTORY OF THE 



the use of the power had frequently produced murmurs and 
irritation. The line of distinction between the two powers was 
sometimes so indistinct, as frequently to give occasions for 
doubt as to what was the leading object, and to unite apparently 
in the same enactments, revenue and regulation. Sometimes 
acts clearly commercial in their purport, were complained of 
heavily, as levying taxes, and tiiorefure unconstitutional, 
because the Colonists were not represented in parliament. 
No act, avowedly for revenue, had been ever passed ; and 
regulations, altogether legitimate, were rejected frequently 
because they were supposed to imply that right. Massachu- 
setts was the boldest in this controversy, and for a long seiies 
of years refused obedience to the navigation arts of Kiol and 
10(30, which make the commercial code of Great Britain. 
Her tenacious refusal to conform to these acts, under the 
special requisition of king Charles II., and her persevering re- 
jection of the king's collector, Randolph, through a series of 
years from 1677 to the revolution in J(>88, foim one of the 
noblest passages in her history. She instructed her agents 
to insist before the king, that " the acts of navigation were 
an invasion of the rights and privileges of the subjects of 
his majesty in that colony, they not being represented in 
parliament." The collector persisting, he was met with such 
fierce opposition, that he was recalled, at his own represent- 
ation, " that he was in danger of being put to death, by virtue 
of an ancient law. as a subverter of the constitution." Some 
years subsequent, when James II. was making his boldest 
approaches towards unlimited power in Europe and America, 
and his governor, Andross, was making laws and levying 
taxes at his pleasure, supported by the tyrannical example 
of his master, the inhabitants of several towns in Massachu- 
setts lefnsed to levy rates or raise taxes; and the selectmen 
of Ip<wich, in spite of threatcnings of fine and imprisonment, 
both of which were inflicted upon them for their disobedience, 
voted that " it is against the privilege of English subjects to 
have money raised without their own consent in assembly or 
parliament." This tone never varied, down to the latest 
period of her colonial condition, in all circumstances and 
under all administrations. In 17(51, about the time of the 
controversy about the writs of assistance, in Boston, Governor 
Bernard had undertaken to equip a vessel belonging to the 
colony, upon his own responsibility, for which he was 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 47 

sharply reproved by the House of Assembly, in an address 
contahiing the following spirited passages. 

"Justice to ourselves and our constituents oblige us to 
remonstrate against the method of making or increasing 
establishments, by the governor and council. It is, in effect, 
taking from the House their most darling privilege, the right 
of originating all taxes." 

"No necessity can be sufficient to justify a House of 
Representatives in giving up such a privilege ; for it would 
be of little consequence to the people, whether they were 
subject to George or Louis, the king of Great Britain or the 
French king, if both Avere arbitrary, as both would be, if both 
could levy taxes without parliament." 

It is worthy of mention, as an evidence of the kind of 
paternal affection entertained by England towards her 
children in the Colonies, when her interests were crossed 
by them, that Avhen Massachusetts refused to receive the 
royal collector, in 1661-2, it was determined by the king 
in council, that "no Mediterranean passes should be granted 
to New England, to protect its vessels against the Turks, till it 
is seen what dependence it will acknowledge in his majesty, 
;ind whether his custom-house officers are received as in other 
colonies." 

The acquiescence of Massachusetts, even in the navigation 
acts, was thus never cordial or perfect. From the beginning 
she suspected the taxing power, which was concealed in them, 
and resolutely protested against it. 

Other provinces were not less firm and strenuous in up 
holding the same privileges, in the most disheartening times. 
Virginia, in the seventeenth year of her settlement, adopted a 
set of laws, the oldest in colonial history, defining her rights 
and claiming the privilege of raising her own taxes by her 
owm representation, as the birthright of Englishmen. Again, 
in 1651, when she surrendered to the fleet of Cromwell, one 
of the express stipulations in the articles of surrender was, 
that "Virginia shall be free from all taxes, customs, and 
impositions whatsoever; and none shall be imposed on them, 
without consent of the general assembly; and neither forts 
nor castles be erected, or garrisons maintained without their 
own consent." Again, in 1676, she instructed her agents in 
England to maintain, as an admitted right belonging to all 
the Colonies, and an acknowledged historical fact, tha< 
" neither his majesty nor any of his ancestors or predecessors 



4$ , HISTORY OF THE 

had ever offered to impose any tax upon thi.s plan (a( ion, 
without the consent of their subjects; nor upon any other 
plantation, however so much less deserving or considerable 
to his crown." 

In 1663, Rhode Island formally claimed it as one of her 
chartered privileges, that no tax should be imposed upon the 
colony but by the general assembly. 

In 1687 the revenue officer in South Carolina informed 
the Commissioners of the Customs, in England, that "he 
despaired of succeeding in enforcing the revenue acts, as the 
people denied the power of parliament to pass laws incon- 
sistent with their charter." 

In the session of 1691-2, New York passed her celebrated 
act of assembly, defining the right of representation, and 
numerous other rights and privileges, in the nature of a 
Declaration of Rights. It expressly enacted that no "aid, tax, 
or talliage, whatsoever," should be laid upon (he inhabitants 
of the province, upon "any manner or pretence whatsoever," 
but " by the act and consent of the governor in council and 
representatives of the people in general assembly." 

Connecticut, on numerous occasions, especially in her 
resolutions in 1754, dissenting from the Albany plan of 
Union, contended for the exclusive power of levying her 
own taxes by her representatives, as a privilege by charter, 
and as a natural right. 

The original charter of Maryland vested expressly the 
whole taxing power in "the freemen of the province, or a 
majority of them," — and a law enacted in 1650, declared 
that "no subsidies, aids, customs, taxes, or impositions shall 
be laid, assessed, levied, or imposed upon the freemen of this 
province, their merchandize, goods, or chattels, without the 
consent of the freemen thereof, or a majority of them in 
general assembly." 

These are a few of the early assertions, by the Colonies, 
of the law, the practice under it, and the constitution, in 
virtue of which they claimed exemption from taxation, 
except in bodies wherein they were represented. Sometimes 
these assertions ascended to lofty vindications of natural 
rights, antecedent to all sanctions of human institution. No 
formal denial of them was ever made before the declaratory 
stamp resolutions and sugar act of 1764. Some of the 
laws and declarations which we have quoted, were annulled 
in England, but not upon the exclusive ground of their 



* AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 49 

tepugnance in this respect to British rights. A general act 
of parliament was passed in 1696, annulling aU acts, laws, 
and usages of " the plantations," " repugnant to any law of 
the kingdom." But contemporary with it, the right of taxing 
America was peremptorily denied ; and we have the high 
authority of Lord Camden, in his speech, in April, 1766, in 
the British House of Lords, for the fact, that this doctrine 
was not then considered new, illegal, or derogatory to the 
rights of parliament. The colonial laws were annulled, not 
on a claim of unlimited supremacy, but because they were 
believed to interfere with commercial regulations. Some- 
times, as remarked before, the two objects — revenue and 
taxation — were in fact combined in one ; but in all cases, 
before 1764, the primary object, to which the other was a 
subordinate incident, was trade. Burke, in his speech on 
American taxation, in 1774, after an elaborate analysis of the 
acts of parliament, stated confidently, and he was sustained 
by Lords Chatham and Camden, in the assertion, that before 
1764 " no act avowedly for the purpose of revenue, and with 
the ordinary title and recital, taken together, is to be found 
upon the statute book. All before stood on commercial regula- 
tions and restraints." 

Sir Robert Walpole entertained a similar view of the 
science of government, and the interests of commerce, in the 
connexion between England and America, when he refused, 
in 1739, during the Spanish war, to try the experiment of 
taxing the Colonies. "I will leave that," said he, 'to some 
one of my successors, who shall have more courage and less 
regard for commerce than I have. I have always, during 
my administration, thought it my duty to encourage the 
commerce of the American Colonies. I have chosen to wink 
at some irregularities in their traffic with Europe ; for in my 
opinion, if by trade with foreign nations they gain ^300,000 
sterling, at the end of two years £250,000 of it will have 
entered the royal coffers ; and that by the industry and 
productions of England, who sells them an immense quantity 
of manufactures. This is a mode of taxing them, more 
conformable to their constitution, and to our own." And Lord 
Chatham, in referring to the efforts to get up this taxing ques- 
tion, at an earlier day, when he was minister to George IL, 
during the French wars, uses the following pithy expression : 

"There were not wanting some, when I had the honour 
E 



50 HISTORY OF THE 

to serve his majesty, to propose to me to bum my fingers -with 
an American stamp-act." 

The theory of poUtical connexion with Great Britain, 
insisted on by the Colonies, as according with constitutional 
principles, was that they were integral governments, de- 
pendent upon a common executive head of the empire, 
the king of Great Britain, precisely as England itself; 
that their colonial legislatures held the same relation to 
the king as the English House of Commons, and were as 
absolute in all matters of revenue, within the provinces, as 
the Commons were for Great Britain. These rights were 
placed, first, on the general birthright of Englishmen, not to 
be taxed but by their representatives ; and secondly, on their 
chartered rights which confirmed these privileges to them. 
A third, and in fact the most powerful defence of this right, 
and which was working in every man's mind, though few 
spoke it out until oppression drove them from all faith in 
charters and constitutions, was that which James Otis 
employed with such boldness in his celebrated pamphlet, on 
the rights of the Colonies, published inl764, against the daring 
attempt at usurpation ia the declaratory act preliminary to 
the stamp. act; a defence which went back to the original 
rights of the settlers as men, independent of any grant from 
human power. " Two or three innocent colony charters," said 
he, "have been threatened with destruction a hundred and 
forty years past. A set of men in America, without honor or 
love to their country, have been long grasping at powers which 
they think unattainable, Avhile these charters stand in their 
way. But Ihey will meet with insurmountable obstacles to 
their project for enslaving the British Colonies, should these, 
arising from provincial charters, be removed. * * Should 
this ever be the case, there are, thank God, natural, inherent, 
and insejiaraWe rights, as men and cilizens, that would 
remain, afier the so much wished-for catastrophe, and Avhich, 
whatever become of charters, can never be abolished, dejure, 
if de facto, until the general conflagration." One of these 
"natural, inherent, and inseparable" rights, was that of dis- 
posing of their own property, and assenting, personally or 
by their representatives, to all taxes levied upon them. " If," 
said the New Jersey colonists, about the year 1087, to the 
Commissioners of the Duke of York, " we are excluded from 
one English right of common assent to taxes, what secuiily 
have we for any thing we pos'='^«s ? We can call nothing our 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 51 

own, but are tenants at will, not only for the soil, but for all 
our personal estates. This sort of conduct has destroyed 
governments, but never raised one to any true greatness." 
In theory, a general restraining power upon the Colonies was 
conceded to Great Britain, in all things except the subject 
of revenue. They contended that taxation was no part of the 
supreme executive or legislative power, but that taxes are a 
voluntaiy gift and grant of the people by their representa- 
tives. Sometimes, indeed, as in the case of IMassachusetts, 
in her controversy with queen An;ie's governors, the assertion 
was hazarded, that all the laws of parliament were bounded 
by the four seas, and did not reach America. This assertion 
was not, however, steadily sustained, and the supremac}' of 
parliament, in all cases except the granting of money and 
laying of taxes, was in general conceded. But in no case 
was the revenue power admiited. 

The practice had also been invariably in accordance v/ith 
this theory. All sums applied by the Colonies to their own 
political maintainance or the general service of the empire, 
had been voluntary grants, levied in the colonial assemblies. 
The king, through the governors, made his requisitions for 
money or troops, and the Colonies granted or withheld at 
pleasure. Their grants, however, were exceedingly liberal, 
so as to leave no ground of complaint with the ancient system. 
The change was not made because there Yvas any reason to 
believe that the Colonies would be deficient in zeal or ability 
to vote sufficient supplies. Their contributions to the common 
cause of the empire, had been acknowledged by repeated acts 
of parliament, returning them thanks and voting them remu- 
neration for the excess of their generous efforts. Mr. Burke, 
in his speech, before quoted, on American taxation, cited 
from the Journals of the House of Commons, thirteen differ- 
ent votes, acknowledging the merits of the Colonies in that 
particular — four of them within the year 1763, the very year 
in which the taxing scheme of Mr. Grenville w^as devised. 
It was, therefore, a naked assertion of power, without any 
pretence of necessity, and meant to establish a principle 
repugnant to the conscientious convictions of the Colonists, 
hostile to their rights, and destructive of their chartered 
privileges, — a principle Avhich they affirmed would strip them 
of every privilege of freemen, and reduce them to the condi- 
tion of a conquered and enslaved country. 

The most specious argument on the side of Great Britain 



SS HISTORY OF THE 

was, that deprived- of the taxing power, she would be desti- 
tute of all means of equalizing the burdens of all parts of the 
empire ; and that while the United Kingdom was groaning 
under the weight of taxes and debts, no part of them would 
fall on the plantations abroad. They would thus enjoy all the 
benefits and protection of the British government, army, and 
navy, without contributing to their support, or to any 
portion ofthe immense expenditures incurred in wars, carried 
on jointly iox common objects. This complaint opened a 
dangerous question for British supremacy, because it pointed 
out the advantages of independence to the Colonies, and 
provoked a discussion of the merits of the commercial 
monopoly, enjoyed by Great Britain. The people of the 
Colonies insisted, that a sufficient equivalent for all these 
British burdens, was found in the burden of taxation for 
British benefit, imposed upon them by the navigation acts, 
and acts relating to trade and manufactures. They contended 
that their exemption from direct taxation was more than 
counterbalanced by the immense sums exacted from them in- 
directly, by the operation of this commercial monopoly. They 
reasoned, in fine, just as Dr. Frankhn, ten years before, fore- 
told that they would, should the attempt ever be made to tax 
them for revenue. The passage is to be found in his letter 
to Governor Shirley, in 1754, discussing the merits of the 
substitute offered by the ministry to the Albany plan of 
Union, and itis worth transcribing as part ofthe history ofthe 
question, and as a summary, by this sagacious statesman and 
wary politician, of the effects of this system upon the Colo- 
nies ; He said : 

"Besides the taxes necessary for the defence of the fron- 
tiers, the Colonies pay yearly great sums to the mother 
country, unnoticed ; for, 

1. Taxes paid in Britain by the land holder or artificer, 
must enter into and increase the price of the produce of land 
and manufactures made of it, and a great part of this is paid 
by consumers in the Colonies, Avho thereby pay a considera- 
ble part of the British taxes. 

2. We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations; 
and where we could be supplied with any manufacture 
cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer from 
Britain, the difference of price is a clear tax to Britain. 

3. We are obliged to carry a part of our produce directly 
to Great Britain ; and when the duty laid upon it lessens its 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 53 

price to the planter, or it sells for less than it would in foreign 
markets, the difference is a tax paid to Great Britain. 

4. Some manufactures we could make, but are forbidden, 
and must take them of British merchants ; the whole price is 
a tax paid to Britain. 

5. By our greatly increasing demand and consumption of 
British manufactures, their price is considerably raised of late 
years ; the advantage is a clear profit to Britain, and enables 
its people better to pay great taxes ; and much of it being 
paid by us, is clear tax to Great Britain. 

6. In short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade, 
and restrain the importation and consumption of British 
superfluities, as Britain can the consumption of foreign 
superfluities, our whole wealth centres finally among the 
merchants and inhabitants of Great Britain ; and if we make 
them richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes, it is 
nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and equally bene- 
ficial to the crown. 

" These kind of secondary taxes, however, we do not com- 
plain of, though we have no share in laying and disposing 
of them ; but to pay immoderate heavy taxes, in the laying, 
appropriation, and disposition of which we have no part, and 
which, perhaps, we may know to be as unnecessary as 
grievous, must seem a hard measure to Englishmen, who 
cannot conceive that by hazarding their lives and fortunes 
in subduing and settling new countries, extending the do- 
minion and increasing the commerce of the mother nation, 
they have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which they 
think ought to be given to them for such merits, if they had 
been before in a state of slavery." 

"These things," said Franklin, in 1754, "and such kinds 
of things as these, I apprehend, will be thought and said if 
the proposed alteration of the Albany Plan takes place." 

The event verified the sagacity of Franklin. The princi- 
ples involved in the ministerial substitute, were, indeed, 
suspended for a while ; but were revived and put into practice 
in these contemporaneous measures of the Grenville ministry : 
the stamp act resolutions — the molasses act, and the regula- 
tions of trade. All that he had foreseen — and his characteristic 
prudence did not permit him to express fully all he foresaw — 
was "said and done" in the Colonies, in opposition to these 
measures. They were received with loud indignation, vehe- 
ment remonstrance, and instant denials of the right of parUa» 
ment to tax the Colonies without their consent. 



54 " HISTORY OF THE 

The news reached America soon after the adjournment of 
parliament. Instead of yielding to the artful suggestion of the 
minister, and proposing another mode of apportioning the 
taxes required, they fearlessly denied the whole claim of 
power. Boston, where the first intelligence was received, 
M 1-G4 ^'^'^^ ^^^ lead. At a town meeting, held in May, 
the people, in a set of instructions to their repre- 
sentatives in the colonial legislature, drawn up b}- Samuel 
Adams, directed them in energetic language, "to use con- 
stantly" their " power and influence to maintain the invalu- 
able rights and privileges of the province, as well those 
which are derived by the royal charter," as those which, 
being prior to and independent of it, they hold "essentially 
as freeborn subjects of Great Britain." They affirm, in 
regard to the principle of these acts — "It annihilates our 
chartered right to govern and tax ourselves. It strikes at our 
British privilegco, which, as t\e have never forfeited them, 
we hold in common with our fellow subjects, who are natives 
of Great Britain. If taxes are laid upon us in any i>hape, 
v."ithout our having a legal representation where they arc laid, 
are wc not reduced from the character of free subjects, to the 
miserable state of tributary slaves? ' They proceeded tore- 
commend communications vvith the other provinces, that 
"by the united application of all who are aggrieved, all may 
happily obtain redress." 

The House of Representatives responded to these move- 
ments of the ]ieople with a temper of equal promptness and 
decision. They drew up a strong set of instructions to their 
agent in London, who had offended them by not opposing these 
acts, — for which neglect he had assigned as a reason, that 
he had not been directed by them, on the subject, and took 
their silence for assent. They reproved him sharply for the 
inference, and told him that "the silence of the province 
should have been imputed to any cause, even to despair, 
/ather than have been construed into a tacit cession of 
their rights ; or as an acknowledgment of a right in the 
British parliament to impose taxes and duties on a people not 
represented in the House of Commons." Their letter con- 
cluded with the declaration, "that the power to raise their 
own taxes is the great barrier to English liberty, 
which, if once broken down, all is lost." They 
further adopted resolves, that "the sole right of giving and 
granting the money of the people of this province, is vested 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 65 

in them or their representatives," — and that the imposition 
of duties or taxes by the parliament of Great Britain, upon a 
people not represented in the House of Commons, is abso- 
lutely irreconcilable with their rights." A committee was 
appointed to sit, during the recess of the House, to watch 
over the rights of the people. 

The Assembly of Connecticut almost contemporaneously 
appointed a committee on the same subject, Avho, in con- 
nexion with Governor Fitch, drew up a powerful argument 
in favor of colonial rights. 

The House of Burgesses, in Virginia, met in November, 
and was not less prompt in remonstrance. A special com- 
mittee was appointed to report addresses to the king, and to 
both houses of parliament. These papers were drawn up by 
Richard Henry Lee, and adopted by the House of Burgesses. 
While they professed the warmest attachment to the king's 
government and person, they reproved, in firm language, the 
new doctrine? of taxation, which had been introduced into 
the administration, and insisted upon their natural and char- 
tered claim to be protected in their " ancient and inestimable 
right of being governed by such laws, respecting their inter- 
nal polity and taxation, as are derived from their own con- 
sent, with the approbation of their sovereign or his substitute : 
a right which, as men, and descendants of Britons, they have 
ever quietly possessed, since first, by royal permission and 
encouragement, they left the mother kingdom to extend its 
commerce and dominion." This right, they asserted, they had 
been invested with from the first establishment of a regular 
government in the colony, and requisitions had been con- 
stantly made to them by their sovereigns, on all occasions 
when the assistance of the colony was thought necessary to 
preserve the British interest in America; "from whence they 
must conclude, they cannot now be deprived of a right they 
have so long enjoyed, and which they have never forfeited." 
In fine, they maintained ittobe a fundamental principle of the 
British constitution, " without which freedom can nowhere 
exist," that the people are not subject to any taxes but such 
as are laid on them by their own consent, or by those who 
are legally appointed to represent them : property must be"^ 
come too precarious for the genius of a free people, which can 
be taken from them at the will of others, who cannot know 
what taxes such people can bear, or the easiest mode of 
raising them : and who are not under that restraint, which 



^ HISTORY OF THE 

is the greatest security against a burthensome taxation, when 
the representatives themselves must be affected by everj' tax 
imposed on the people." 

The petitions and remonstrances of New York were re- 
markable for their ability and fearlessness. They were even 
more bold than those of Massachusetts and Virginia, and 
preceded the latter in point of time. After reciting the 
uninterrupted usage of the colony, in raising by its own 
representatives its own taxes, they insist that " an exemption 
from the burden of all ungranted and involuntary taxes, is 
the grand principle of every free state ; without such a right 
vested in themselves, exclusive of all others, there can be no 
liberty, no happiness, no security," — and this, they add, not 
upon any "privilege," but on a basis more honorable, solid, 
and stable ; — '• they challenge it and glor}' in it as their right.'' 
In conclusion they declare, they have no desire to derogate 
from the power of the parliament of Great Britain ; " but they 
cannot avoid deprecating the loss of such rights as they have 
hitherto enjoyed : rights established in the first dawn of the 
constitution; founded upon the most substantial reasons, 
confirmed by invariable usage, conducive to the best ends ; 
never abused to bad purposes, and with the loss of which, 
liberty, property, and all the benefits of life, tumble into 
insecurity and ruin : rights, the deprivation of which will 
dispirit the people, abate their industry, discourage trade, 
introduce discord, poverty, and slavery; or, by depopulating 
the Colonies, turn a vast, fertile, prosperous region into a 
dreary wilderness, impoverish Great Britain, and shake the 
power and independence of the most opulent and flourishing 
empire in the world." 

Committees of Correspondence v%'cre also appointed to 
confer with the other assemblies or committees on the subject 
of " the impending dangers which threaten the Colonies, of 
being taxed by laws to be passed in Great Britain." 

The Assembly of Pennsylvania referred the subject to a 
committee, who reported instructions to the provincial agent, 
in England, to join with the other colonies; and maintaining, 
in their own behalf, that the right of assessing their own taxes, 
and freedom from impositions, "not granted by the repre- 
sentatives of the people," were secured to them by the 
charter from Chales II. They did gi-eater service to their 
common country by sending Dr. Franklin, in November, as 
their agent in England, t vssist in repelling these dangerous 
innovations. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 57 

Most of the other colonies adopted some mode, by petition, 
remonstrance, or address, to make known to the British par- 
liament, the like sentiments in opposition to the new scheme. 
The policy already mentioned-, of forbearing to use, and 
declining to import, British merchandize, which was very 
generally adopted at this period, strengthened, materially, the 
party in Great Britain, already disposed, as Well from their 
general whig principles, as from their opposition to the exist- 
ing cabinet, to favor the cause of America. The manufac- 
turing and commercial classes were seriously affected by the 
diminution of the American demand for their goods ; and the 
effect was to create an interest adverse to perseverance in the 
ministerial plan. Attention was attracted to the constitutional 
question with greater earnestness ; and in the session of par- 
liament succeeding that in which these irritating measures had 
passed without opposition and with little notice, a party was 
found, small in numbers, indeed, but remarkable for splendor 
of talent and eloquence, to resist them, first, as unjust, ungrate 
ful, inexpedient, and dangerous ; and finally, as tjn-annical 
usurpations. 

The session of parliament commenced, after an unusually 
long recess, on the 10th of January. During the winter the 
colonial agents had made strenuous efforts to dissuade Mr. 
Grenville from proceeding. A deputation, selected by them, 
waited upon him to remonstrate personally with I 
him, and to assure him of the willingness of Ame- | ' " • 
rica to contribute to the debt and expenses of the empire, 
to the extent of their means, as they had always done upon 
royal requisitions, they reserving the constitutional privilege 
of granting the supplies, by theii' own votes, as in the case 
of the Commons of Great Britain. They urged the strong 
repugnance in America to the proposed tax, and desired a 
suspension of the design. These representations availed 
nothing with the minister. He declined receiving any pro- 
posal from the Colonies, short of an admission of the parlia- 
mentary right, and a substitute for the tax proposed, more 
agreeable to themselves, which none of them were authorized 
to make. He offered them the favor of being heard by 
counsel, on the constitutional question, at the bar of the House 
of Commons, which they unanimously declined ; because, 
they said, the colonies were not defendants, amenable to 
that jurisdiction — they protested against it. The stamp act 



09 HISTORY OF THE 

accordingly took its course, and was formally introduced into 
the Commons by a report from the committee of ways and 
means, in a series of resolutions, fifiy-five in number, which 
were agreed to by the House, on the 7th of February. Petitions 
against it were presented from the colonies of Virginia, South 
Carohna, and Connecticut. They were refused under a stand- 
ing rule of the House, that no petition can be received against 
a money bill. The New York petition was expressed in such 
strong language, that no member of the House could be 
found to olfer it. On the rejection of those from the three 
colonies named the other petitions were witlidrawn. The bill 
accordingly passed by a large majority, about '^oO to 50 ; was 
carried through the House of Lords, without difficulty, on the 
8th of March, and received the king's sanction on the 23d. 

The discussions in the Commons, though the numbers 
were disproportioncd, was very animated. The ministerial 
speakers were Mr. Grenville, and Charles Townsend, a bril- 
liant orator, just then in the prime of his faculties, and with a 
growing reputation. ]Mr. Pitt was absent, confined to his bed 
by sickness. The friends of the colonies were Col. Barre, 
Alderman Beckford, Mr. Jackson, and Sir William Meredith. 
Col. Barro and Alderman Beckford were the only speakers 
who denied the right of Great Britain to tax the colonies for 
revenue. The others relied on the danger, injustice, and 
inexpediency. 

' In the course of the debate, Mr. Townsend ended a long 
speech on the side of the minister, in the following words: 
"And now will these Americans, children plnnied-by our 
care, nourished by our indidgence, till ihey are grown to a 
degree of strength and opulence, and proieded by our arms, 
will they grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from 
the heavy weight of that burden which Ave lie under .^" 
, Col. Barre, a distinguished officer and member of parlia- 
ment, fired with a generous indignation, caught up these 
words, and on the instant uttered that eloquent retort, which, 
with his other efforts in behalf of American liberty, has 
made his name dear to every American heart. 

" They planied by your caret — No, your oppression planted 
them in America. They fled from a tyranny to a then un- 
cultivated and inhospitable country, where they exposed 
themselves to almost all the hardships to Avhich human 
nature is liable ; and among others to the cruelty of a savage 
foe the most subtle, and 1 will take upon me to say, the most 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION". 59 

formidable of any people upon the face of the earth ; and 
yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty, they met 
all hardships with pleasure, compared with those they suf- 
fered in their own country, from the hands of those that 
should have been their friends. 

They nourished up by yoar indiilgencel — They grew up by 
your neglect of them. As soon as you began to care about 
them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule 
them in one department and iu another, who were, perhaps, 
the deputies of deputies to some members of this House, sent 
to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and 
to prey upon them. — Men whose behaviour on many occa- 
sions, has caused the blood of these sons of liberty to recoil 
within them. — Men who, promoted to the highest seats of 
justice, some, who, to my knowledge, were glad, by going 
to a foreign country, to escape being brought to the bar of 
a court of justice in their own. 

They j^rotected by your arms! — They have nobly taken, up 
arms in your defence, have exerted a valour, amidst their 
constant and laborious industry, for the defence of a country 
whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts 
yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And believe 
me, remember I this day told you so, that same spirit of 
freedom which actuated that people at first will accompany 
them stdl : but prudence forbids me to explain myself further. 
God knows, I do not at this time speak from any motives of 
pa^ty heat ; what I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my 
heart. However superior to me in general knowledge and 
experience the respectable body of this House may be, yet 
I claim to know more of America than most of you, having 
seen and been conversant in that country. The people, I 
believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has, but 
a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate 
them, if ever they should be violated; but the subject is too 
delicate — I will say no more." 

This gallant and vehement address produced a deep 
silence, and was left unanswered. It produced no change 
in the course of ministers, though the sensation it excited at 
the time was great ; and it was long after remembered as a 
prophetic warning of the consequences of ministerial rashness. 

The preamble of this celebrated act purports to be a con- 
tinuation of the molasses act, and recites — that whereas, in 
the previous session of parliament, "duties had been dc- 



00 HisTonr op the 

manded, continued, and appropriated towards defraying the 
expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the British 
colonies and plantations in America," — and whereas, it is 
necessary "to raise a /«?M^ revenue in America," therefore 
the " Commons of Great Britain," &c. do "give and grant" 
the enumerated stamp duties. The phraseology deserves 
notice, as containing in its very terms, an argument against 
the equity of the act. It is the Commons of Great Britain 
giving away the property of the Commons of America. This 
was strongly urged in an argument by Mr. Pitt, an extract 
from which, though it was not delivered until the next year, 
is introduced here, as a forcible comment on the title of this 
extraordinary act 

"This House represents the Commons of Great Britain. 
When in this House we give and grant, therefore, we give 
and grant what is our own, but can we give and grant the 
property of the Commons of ^6merical It is an absurdity in 
terms. There is an idea in some, that the Colonies are 
virtually represented in this House. I would fain know by 
whom ? The idea of virlunl representation is the most con- 
temjMhle that ever entered into the head of man : it does not 
deserve a serious refutation. The Commons in America, 
represented in their several Assemblies, have invariably 
exercised this constitutional right of giving and granting their 
own money ; they would have been slaves if they had not 
enjoyed it. At the same time the kingdom has ever pro- 
fessed the power of legislative and commercial control. The 
Colonies acknowledge your authority in all things, with the 
sole exception that you shall not take their money out of 
their pockets without their consent. Here would I draw the 
line — quam ultra citraque nequit consisterc rectum." 

With the stamp act, and during the same session, the 
ministry, as if anticipating the necessity of supporting their 
pretensions to supremacy by force, passed another act for 
quartering troops in America, and requiring the inhabitants 
to furnish them with quarters and supplies. As a proof of 
the insolence of tyranny with which some of its provisions 
were originally conceived, it may be stated, that in the 
draught of the bill, a clause was inserted for quartering them 
in private houses. This was rejected in the course of its 
passage, but the fact remains as a powerful commentary upon 
the extremes of violence to which the British ministers were 
prepared to rush at once, before any proceedings were held 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 61 

in America, to secure the subjection of the colonists to their 
exactions. 

The night after the passage of the stamp act, Franklin 
wrote from London to his friend Charles Thompson, after- 
wards the Secretary of Congress — "The Sun of Liberty is 
set: the Americans must light up the lamps of industry and 
economy." The heroism of the revolution spoke in Mr. 
Thompson's pithy answer — " Be assured we shall light up 
torches of quite another sort." • 

The intelligence of the final passage of these acts, pro- 
duced, as was anticipated, a great sensation throughout Ame- 
rica. The gloomy apprehensions, which had prevailed so 
widely under the recent policy of Great Britain, in regard to 
the Colonies, was deepened into feelings approaching to des- 
peration. They saw in it a vital attack upon their liberty 
and property, evidently in accordance with a system of hos- 
tility to the rights which they cherished most dearly, by a 
powerful but unnatural parent, against whom they knew no 
modes of defence, and entertained no hopes, even where they 
ventured upon such contemplations for the future, of being 
able to make any efficient resistance. Resentment, alarm, 
indignation and doubt, were at first universal. That it was 
impossible to submit quietly to such tyrannical pretensions — 
that, thenceforth, there was no security for any of Ihcir char- 
tered privileges, or natural rights, was obvious to every capa- 
city. The discussions of the preceding twelve months, in 
which the doctrine of British supremacy had been sharply 
discussed, in every form of argument, throughout the Colo- 
nies, had prepared the whole continent to understand the 
nature of the principles involved in it, and see all their ten- 
dencies. Few, however, were prepared for any precise line 
of conduct; few thought of any concerted movement of re 
sistance ; and force was, as yet, thought of by none. 

On this occasion, as on that of the stamp resolutions, thi 
course of the ministry in postponing the operation of thei 
measures, favored the cause of the colonists. More thai 
twelve months notice of the intention to raise an America! 
revenue, had givei;^ them time to concentrate public opinioi 
against the principle ; and the deferring of the measun 
itself after its enactment, until the ensuing November, affordeo 
them a like opportunity to recover from the first shock of 
the infliction ; to unite public sentiment ; and take measures 
in common for concerted action. 
F 



^ 



HISTORY OF THE 



The House of Burgesses of Virginia was in session, when 
the intelligence was received from England. They had, in 
consequence, the distinguished honor of being the first public 
body to proclaim the rights of America against the despotic 
doctrines of the stamp act. To their bold attitude, and firm 
language, is undoubtedly due much of the consistency of 
action which marked the proceedings of the Colonies during 
the ensuing year; and they accordingly occupy a large space 
among the immediate events preceding the revolution. "^ In 
estimating the value of these measures, and the reputation 
of the distinguished patriots who acted in them, the first place 
in honor is due to Patrick Henry, who moved, defended, 
and carried them, with an overpowering eloquence, of which 
tradition speaks in language of the loftiest enthusiasm. Mr. 
Jefferson bore his testimony to this fact, in the emphatic de- 
claration, that "Henry gave the first impulse to the ball of the 
revolution." 

His resolutions were offered near the close of the session, 
in the latter part of the month of May, without consultation 
with more than two members. After a vehement, and 
what Mr. Jefferson termed a ' bloody' debate, they 
were carried by a small majorit}'. • We transcribe 
them below, as they were found sealed up in the handwri- 
ting of ]Mr. Henry, by his executors. Other copies, varying 
from these, have been published, but they are believed to be 
the resolutions as afterwards revised and modified by the timid 
party in the House of Burgesses on the second day, after Mr. 
Henry had gone home. The original resolutions, as moved 
and carried, were these — the fifth of which, it may be noted, 
was that which, by its fearless denunciation of an act of par- 
liament, formally passed with all the sanctions of law, most 
alarmed the irresolute, and the adherents to Britain. 

" Resolved, That the first adventurers and settlers of this, 
his majesty's colony and dominion, brought with them, and 
transmitted to their posterity, and all other of his majesty's 
subjects, since inhabiting in this his majesty's said colony, 
all the privileges, franchises, and immunities, that have been 
at any time held, enjoyed, and possessed, by the people of 
Great Britain. 

' "Resolved, That by two royal charters, granted by King 

James the First, the colonists aforesaid, are declared entitled 

*- to all the privileges, liberties, and immunities, of denizens 

and natural born subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if 



1765. May 2!). 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 63 

they had been abiding and born within the realm of 
England. 

" Resolved, That the taxation of the people by themselves, 
or by persons chosen by themselves to represent them, who 
can only know what taxes the people are able to bear, and 
the easiest mode of raising them, and are equally affected 
by such taxes themselves, is the distinguishing characteristic 
of British freedom, and without which the ancient constitu- 
tion cannot subsist. 

" Resolved, That his majesty's liege people of this most an- 
cient colony, have uninterruptedly enjoyed the right of being 
thus governed by their own assembly in the article of their 
taxes and internal police, and the same hath never been for- 
_feited, or any other way given up, but hath been constantly 
recognized by the King and people of Great Britain. 

"Resolved, therefore, That the general assembly of this 
colony have the sole right and powei- to laj^ taxes and impo- 
sitions upon the inhabitants of this colony; and that every 
attempt lo vest such power in any person or persons whatso- 
ever, other than the general assembly aforesaid, has a manifest 
tendency to destroy British as well as American freedom." 

Two other resolutions were offered by Mr. Henry, and re- 
jected as of too audacious a character, in the then estimate of 
the Americans, to be admitted. They asserted that the peo- 
ple of the colony were " not bound to yield obedience to any 
law or ordinance whatsoever," designed to impose taxation 
upon them, other than the laws and ordinances of the general 
assembly ; and that any person who "by writing or speak- 
ing" should maintain the contrary, should be deemed "an 
enemy " to the colonies. Though these were disagreed to by 
the House of Burgesses, they were circulated in manuscript 
copies, and published in the papers of other colonies, as part 
of the resolutions adopted. 

It was in the heat of the discussion in the House of Bur- 
gesses, while denouncing in unmeasured terms. the tyranny of 
the British government, that Henry showed that celebrated 
example of presence of mind and promptitude in debate. 
Transported by the fervor of his zeal beyond the bounds of 
prudence, he exclaimed, "Caesar had his Brutus, Charles 
the First his Cromwell, and George the Third" — "Treason, 
treason," resounded from all parts of the house ; — but, without 
pausing or quailing for a moment, he continued, " may profit 
bv their example. If this be treason, make your most of it." 



l(M HISTORY OF THE 

On the next day, in the absence of Henry, the vote was 
re-considered, and the fifth resolution rescinded — but the 
whole went abroad together to stimulate the spirits, and rally 
the resolution of the people, everywhere throughout Ame- 
rica. Other legislatures followed the example. That of Mas- 
sachusetts in particular, had moved with a kindred spirit, 
before they received intelligence of the Virginia resolutions, 
and had taken the further decisive step of proposing a con- 
sultation of all the colonies, in a congress of deputies, to meet 
in the ensuing October, a few weeks previous to the day ap- 
pointed for the stamp act to go into operation. A circular let- 
ter was agreed upon, and addressed to the several speakers ol 
I the legislatures of all the other colonies, and a com- 
I mittee to represent Massachusetts selected forthwith. 
South Carolina was the first to assent to the measure. Com- 
missioners were successively appointed from Rhode Island, 
Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. 
Each of these provinces passed resolutions, and gave instruc 
tions to their commissioners, avowing and insisting upon the 
same doctrines, which were afterwards incorporated in the 
proceedings of the illustrious stamp act congress. The as- 
semblies of Virginia and North Carolina had been prorogued, 
and had, in consequence, no opportunity to act before the 
time of meeting. Georgia and New Hampshire declined 
sending agents, but gave assurances of their willingness to 
join in the proposed petitions and remonstrances. The New- 
York legislature had been prorogued ; but the committee ol 
correspondence, appointed the preceding year on the stamp 
act resolutions, assumed the responsibility of attending on 
behalf of the province — and their authority was confirmed by 
the next legislature. In Delaware, the assembly met before 
the regular period, and unanimously selected three of their 
own number to represent the colony. 

While these proceedings were going on, under the sanc- 
tion of the colonial legislatures, the popular feeling against 
the stamp act was continually growing more violent, and was 
manifested in their primary meetings in the strongest terms, 
and sometimes with disorderly acts. Town and county meet- 
ings were summoned in every colony; at which inflamma- 
tory speeches were made, and angry resolutions adopted. 
Committees of correspondence were estabHshed. Associa- 
tions and clubs, for political discussion and mutual aid, were 
formed — and, in some cases, still more active means were 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 65 

taken to manifest hostility to the act, and all that favored it; 
the authorities were insulted, and hanged and burnt in effigy : 
the persons and houses of the adherents to the act, molested ; 
social relations with them, were in many placos suspended 
totally, or in part; andin all directionsevcry measure wastaken 
to keep up and aggravate the popular discontent. The new* • 
papers that at first had spoken cautiously and despondingly, 
took up by degrees a bolder tone, and became zealous, dar- 
ing, and efficient; urging the strongest measures with most 
spirited language. Placards, handbills, pasquinades, and car- 
icatures, abounded ; and in a few months the effervescence 
was universal — pervading, with few exceptions, the whole 
continent. A few of the popular movements, selected from 
thousands with which the annals of those times abound, will 
serve to show the temper of the colonies. The instructions 
of the town of Plymouth to their representative in the gene- 
ral court, deserve, in an especial manner, to be recorded. 
Plymouth was the first landing-place of the pilgrim settlers 
of New England ; and speaking almost from the very rock 
on which they first trod, when they brought the image of lib- 
erty from enslaved Europe to set it up for worship in the 
wilderness, their descendants, assembled in town meeting, 
thus addressed their agent, in a language of becoming digni- 
ty and lofty independence. • " This place, sir, was at first the 
asylum of liberty, and we hope, will ever be preserved sa- 
cred to it, though it was then no more than a barren wilder- 
ness, inhabited only by savage men and beasts. To this 
place our fathers, (whose memories be revered,) possessed 
of the principles of liberty in their purity, and disdaining slavery, 
fled to enjoy those privileges, which they had an undoubted 
right to, but were deprived of by the hands of violence and op- 
pression, in their native country. We, sir, their posterity, 
the freeholders, and other inhabitants of this town, legally 
assembled for that purpose ; possessed of the same senti- 
ments, and retaining the same ardor for liberty, think it our 
indispensable duty, on this occasion, to express to you these 
our sentiments of the stamp act, and its fatal consequences 
to this country, and to enjoin upon you, as }'ou regard not 
only the welfare, but the very being of this people, that 3'ou, 
(consistent with our allegiance to the King, and relation to 
the government of Great Britain) disregarding all proposals 
for that purpose, exert all your power and influence in op- 
position to the stamp act. at least till we hear the success (rf- 



66 HISTORY OF THB 

our petitions for relief. We likewise, to avoid disgracing the 
memories of our ancestors, as well as the reproaches of our 
own consciences, and the curses of posterity, recommend it 
to you, to obtain, if possible, in the honourable house of re- 
presentatives of this Province, a full and explicit assertion of 
our rights, and to have the same entered on their public re- 
cords, that all generations yet to come, may be convinced, 
that we have not only a just sense of our rights and liberties, 
but that we never, xcith submission to Divine Providence, will 
be slaves to any poiver on earthy 

The resolutions of the people of Providence, were in like 
tone of energy and determination. They adopted all the 
Virginia resolutions, except the last ; for which they substi- 
tuted the stronger declarations, that had been considered 
three months before, by the Virginia assembly, too bold for 
them to assent to. They pronounced the stamp act not only 
to be " unconstitutional, and to have a manifest tendency to 
destroy British as well as American liberty,'' but that they 
" were not bound to yield to any law or ordinance, designed 
to impose any internal taxation whatsoever upon them, other 
than the laws and ordinances of the general assembly." 
The assembly adopted the whole of these popular resolutions, 
and added another still more energetic, directing all officers 
to proceed in the execution of their offices as usual, not- 
withstanding the stamp act ; and pledging the assembly to 
" indemnify them, and keep them harmless," in such a course 
of conduct. 

One instance of the acrimony to which hostility against 
the domestic favorers of Great Britain was carried, may be 
furnished as an example of the rest. Many such may be 
found in the records of the day. The people of Talbot coun- 
ty, in Maryland, resolved, in addition to a general expression 
of hatred to the stamp act, that they would "detest, abhor, 
and bold in contempt, all and every person and persons, who 
shall merely accept of any employment or office relating to 
the stamp act, or shall take any shelter or advantage of the 
same, and all and every stamp-pimp, informer, and encour- 
agcr of the execution of the said act ;" and would have "no 
communication with any such persons, unless it be to in- 
form them cf their vilenoss." 

In some places the disaffection and excitement broke out 
into tumultuous violence. In August, several riots occurred 
l» tb« town of Boston, in which much valuable property 



AMERICAN REVOLUriON. 67 

was destroyed, notwithstanding the earnest eflbrts of the 
great body of the citizens to discountenance and repress 
them. The effigy of Oliver, the proposed distributer of 
stamps, was publicly gibbeted in the streets of the town, on 
an elm-tree, afterwards known as "Liberty Tree." His of- 
fice was torn down, his house mobbed, and great injury done 
to his furniture. He was compelled to decline the appoint- 
ment, and forced, some time after, to repeat the pledge publicly 
at the foot of the tree. The rabble, soon after, broke into 
and plundered the Tiouses of the collector of the Customs, 
and Governor Hutchinson, the latter of which was destroy- 
ed, a large sum of money purloined or destroyed, and much 
costly property, and many valuable papers lost. The peo- 
ple met, and took energetic measures to detect the perpetra- 
tors of these outrages — offering large rewards for their appre- 
hension. 

Later in the same month, a Gazette extraordinary was 
published in the town of Providence, Rhode Island, with the 
motto, in large letters, " Vox Populi, Vox Dei" — and an in- 
scription beneath, — " Where the spirit of the Lord is, there 
is liberty. St. Paul." Riots followed — effigies of the stamp 
collectors, and those who favored Britain, were hung and 
burnt — and in Newport the house of one of them destroyed, 
in the popular fury. In New- York, the act was contemptu- 
ously cried about the streets, as " The folly of England, and 
the ruin of America." The house of Lieutenant Governor 
Golden was beset, his stable broken open, his carriage seized, 
an effigy put in it, and paraded through the streets — and the 
whole burnt together at the doors of the Government House. 
The stamp distributor resigned, and the stamp papers were 
seized and destroyed. 

When the vessels carrying the stamp paper approached 
Philadelphia, the vessels in the harbor hoisted flags at half 
mast, and the bells were muffled and tolled, as for a public 
calamity. The people exacted a pledge from the stamp dis- 
tributer, not to execute his office. The stamp distributor in 
Maryland, fled from the demands of the people to New- 
York, and thence to Long I:?!and, but was followed up perse- ' 
eringly, and forced to make his renunciation under oath be- ' 
fore a magistrate. In Connecticut and New Hampshire, the"' 
••■tamp officers also resigned; and everywhere, except in 
South Carolina, the governors of the provinces were com- 
peiled to acquiesce in the necessity of the case, and for- 



G& HISTORY OP THE 

bore insisting upon the law. From Massachusetts to Gfeor- 
gia, the measures of the people thus determined and excited, 
made the enforcement of the stamp act totally impracticable, 
before it went legally into operation. A person high in 
office in New- York, wrote home to England in November of 
that year : " Depend upon it, they (the Americans) will suf- 
fer no man to execute any law to raise internal taxes, unim- 
posed by their own assemblies. None of the distributors 
durst act ; and that man's heart must be fortified with ten- 
fold steel, who ventures to approve the doctrine, that parlia- 
ment has a right to give away the estates of the colonists, 
without their consent." 

In the midst of these excitements, which were still in- 
creasing in violence, the stamp act congress met at New- 
York on the second Tuesday in October. Nine colonies 
were represented by twenty-eight deputies. There were, — 
from Massachuettti, .Tames Otis, Oliver Partridge, and Timo- 
thy Ruggles ; from R/iode Island, Metcalf Bowler, and Henry 
Ward ; from Connecticut, Eliphalat Dyer, David Rowland 
and William S. Johnson ; from JVew York, Robert R. Liv 
ingston, John Cruger, Philip Livingston, William Bayard, 
and Leonard Lispenard ; from J\ew Jersey, Robert Ogden, 
Hendrick Fisher, and Joseph Berden : from Pennsylvania, 
John Dickinson, John Morton, and George Brj'an ; from 
Delaware, Thomas McKean, and Ctesar Rodney ; from Ma- 
ryland, William Murdock, Edward Tilghman, and Thomas 
Ringgold : and from South Carolitut, Thomas Lynch, Chris- 
topher Gadsden, and John Rutledge. 

It was voted that each colony be entitled to one voice, in 
the determining of questions ; and Mr. Ruggles, of Massa- 
chusetts, was chosen to preside. 

On the 19th of October, the declaration of rights and griev^ 
ances was agreed to. It consisted of fourteen articles ; which 
re-affirmcd, in substance, the doctiines previously contained 
in the resolutions of the colonial assembly, that the colonists 
were entitled to all the rights and liberties of natural born 
subjects ; that it is inseparable from freedom, and the un- 
doubted right of Englishmen, not to be taxed without their 
own consent, or that of their representatives — that the colo- 
nies were not, and could not, be represented in Great Bri- 
tain, but were only represented in the colonial legislatures ; 
which alone possessed the right, and had exercised it to that 
time exclusively, of raising money from them by internal 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 69 

taxation ; that trial by jury, is the " inherent and invaluable 
right" of every subject in the colonies — and that the stamp 
act, and other acts extending the jurisdiction of the admiral- 
ty courts beyond the ancient limits, had " a manifest tenden- 
cy to subvert the rights and liberties of the colonists." This 
declaration was followed by three petitions, addressed seve- 
rally to the king and the two houses of parliament. They 
were drawn up with singular ability and scholarship — and, 
considering the temper of the people, with great prudence 
and moderation, but with inflexible zeal for the rights of 
America. They were approved by all the members except 
Mr. Ruggles, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Ogden, of New Jer- 
sey. The delegates from Connecticut and South Carolina, 
were not authorized to sign them, being under instructions to 
report to their respective assemblies ; and the New-York com- 
missioners were entirely without powers. Six colonies, how- 
ever, signed ; and all the rest, whether represented or not, 
afterwards approved of their measures adopted. Congress 
completed its labors, and adjourned on 25th of October, one 
week before the day appointed for the stamp act to take 
effect. 

When that fatal day arrived, so thoroughly had the popu- 
lar Avork been perfected, that no stamp paper I 
was to be found in America. It had been all | 
destroyed, or re-shipped to England. Ther^ were no stamp 
distributors to be found, all having thrown up their appoint- 
ments, or been coerced into declining to act. By the terms 
of the act, therefore, no lawful business could be transacted 
in America ; and, for some time, all business was suspended. 
The courts were closed ; marriages ceased ; the publication of 
newspapers was suspended ; no more clearances were taken 
out for vessels ; transactions between commercial men stop- 
ped ; all engagements and associations of trade were arrested ; 
and all the social and mercantile affairs of a continent, stag- 
nated at once. Such a remarkable state of things, could not 
exist long. By degrees, things resumed their usual course ; 
newspapers were issued ; licenses of all kinds granted ; law 
and business papers, written on unstamped paper ; and the 
whole machinery of society went on as before, without 
regard to the act of parliament. 

The first of November was, nevertheless, kept as a day ol 
mourning and humiliation. Shops were generally shut; the 
vessels dressed themselves with flags at half mast, as for thQ 



70 HISTORY OF THE 

death of public freedom ; bells were muffled and tolled as foi 
a funeral ; and, in the evening, bonfires were made, and ef- 
figies hung and burnt, and placards distributed, warning the 
inhabitants against distributing or using stamped paper ; and 
every thino- done to manifest the determined hatred of the 
people against the act, its authors and advocates. In New 
Hampshire, these exhibitions of feehng were accompanied 
by a curious emblematic ceremony. The bells were toUed 
generally, as for the dead ; and the people invited to attend 
the funeral of liberty. A coffin was prepared, with an in- 
scription, " Liberty — aged CXLV." ; dating from the land- 
ing at Plymouth in 16-20 — minute guns were fired — and a 
solemn oration pronounced over the deceased. It was then 
announced; that signs of life remained; tlie coffin was rais- 
ed ; the inscription changed to " Liberty revived ;" and the 
bells rung a merry peal, as a token of triumphs to come. 

About the same time, the association of tlie Sotis of Liberty, 
which had existed for some months, assumed an exterit and 
importance, which had vast influence on after events. It 
was originally composed of citizens of Connecticut and New- 
York ; the latter of whom, on tlie 7th of November, held a 
meeting, at which it was determined to risk life and fortune 
to resist the stamp act, and to form a system of co-operation 
with the sons of liberty in other colonies. Notice was sent 
first to the Connecticut association ; and articles of union be- 
tween the sons of liberty in two provinces, were soon after 
agreed upon and signed. In these, after denouncing the 
stamp act, as a flagrant outrage on the British constitution, 
they most solemnly pledged themselves to march with their 
whole force, whenever required, at their own proper cost and 
expense, to the relief of all who should be in danger from 
the stamp act or its abettors — to be vigilant in watching for 
the introduction of stamped paper, to consider all who were 
caught in introducing it as betrayers of their country, and to 
bring them, if possible, to condign punishment, whatever may 
be their rank — to defend the liberty of the press in their respec- 
tive colonies from all violations or impediments on account 
of the said act — to save all judges, altornies, clerks and 
others from fines, penalties, or any molestation whatever, who 
shall proceed in their respective duties without regard to the 
stamp act. And lastly, they pledged themselves to use their 
utmost endeavors to bring about a similar union with all th© 
colonies on the continent. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 71 

In pursuance of this plan, circular letters were addressed 
to the sons of liberty in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and 
southwardly as far as South Carolina. Everywhere the 
scheme was received with enthusiasm ; and, in a few weeks, 
a grand colonial alliance of voluntary defenders of liberty, 
was actively in operation throughout the continent. 

A method of resistance, through the medium of associa- 
tions, still more efficient because retaliatory, attacking the 
pecuniary interests of Great Britain, was adopted by the 
merchants of New- York, Boston, and Philadelphia. They 
entered into reciprocal engagements with each other, not 
only to order no more goods from Great Britain until the act 
was repealed, and to withdraw the orders already given, 
which should not be executed by the 1st of January, but not to 
receive on commission, nor permit the sale of Enghsh mer- 
chandize shipped after that dale- This example was follow- 
ed by similar combinations in other cities, towns, and coun- 
ties — and the same principle extended itself to individuals 
and families, including many females. They denied them- 
selves the use of all foreign luxuries — all imported articles of 
dress — forbade the killing of sheep, in order to secure a sup- 
ply of wool — and became exclusively manufacturers, and 
consumers of domestic goods. Lawyers too, entered exten- 
sively into mutual compacts, to prevent the bringing of any 
suit for an inhabitant of England, against a colonist. 

The whole face of affairs in America, thus changed from 
despondence and submission, to firmness, angry preparation, 
and resolute determination not to submit to the acts of par- 
liament, levying taxes. 

Accounts of these proceedings were regularly transmitted 
to England, where they were received with resentment and 
alarm. In the mean time, important changes had taken 
place in the ministry ; brought about, in some degree, by the 
distress which began to be felt there, from the non-importa- 
tion and non-consumption associations of the Americans, 
which contributed to the unpopularity of Mr. Grenville's ad- 
ministration. It was finally overthrown in July; and after 
an effort to bring Mr. Pitt into power, which failed, from his 
disagreement with Lord Temple, a new ministry was form- 
ed, at the head of which was placed the marquis of Rock- 
ingham, with the duke of Grafton, and General Conway, as 
Secretaries of State — the latter for the colonies. This ap- 
pointment was very agreeable to the Americans, Col. Con- 



TO HISTORr OF THE 

way having been an ardent opponent to the whole (rain o! 
measures against them, ending with the sugar and stamp 
acts. The new ministry, however, had a difficult part. They 
did not command the confidence of Mr. Pitt and the Uberal 
party, at the head of which that statesman stood in the coun- 
try ; and were certain of the exasperated opjiosition of the 
high prerogative party, and the friends of the late ministry, 
to every proposal in favor of the Americans. On one side, 
they were met with intelligence of alarming disturbances 
and disaffection in America, bordering upon rebellion, and 
goaded into a vindication of the laws of the country — and, 
on the other, were assailed with loud complaints by the 
manufacturing and trading classes of England, of the ruin 
which threatened them from a perseverance in this policy. 
By the resolute refusal of the American merchants to take 
any more British merchandize, the largest market for it was 
suddenly lost ; manufactures were at a stand ; the chief 
sources of commerce were cut off; the laboring population 
were thrown, to a great extent, out of employment ; the 
price of provisions was raised, and the currency deranged by 
th(? failure of the customary remittances from the colonies. 
In this posture of affairs, the ministry managed adroitly, 
until the ensuing session of parliament — sending soothing let- 
ters to the principal men in the colonies — and, without 
pledging themselves to any question of principle, under- 
taking, in general terms, to redress their grievances. Parlia- 
ment met in December; and, earl}' in the session, American 
affairs were brought before them for discussion and decision. 
The American papers, relating to the origin, progress, and 
» tendency, of the disturbances in the colonies, 

^ ' were laid before the House of Commons, on the 
14th of January; and the -^Sth assigned for taking them into 
consideration. During the progress of the inquiry, Dr. Frank- 
lin was examined at the bar of the house, and his answers 
produced a great impression. To the question, " Do you 
think the Americans would submit to the stamp duty, if it 
was moderated :" he answered, " Never, unless compelled 
by force of arms." When asked, what was the temper of 
America towards Great Britain, before the year lifvi? he 
replied, "The best in the world. They submitted willingly 
to the government of the crown ; and paid in their courts 
obedience to the acts of parliament. Numerous as the peo- 
ple are in the several old provinces, they cost you nothing 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 7$ 

in forts, citadels, garrisons, and armies, to keep them in sub- 
jection. They were governed by this country, at the ex- 
pense only of a little pen, ink, and paper — they were led by 
a thread. They had not only a respect, but an affection for 
Great Britain — for its laws, its customs and manners, and 
even for its fondness for its fashions, which greatly increased 
the commerce." It was asked of him. What is their temper 
now ?— to which he answered frankly, "Very much alter- 
ed." He gave it as his judgment of the opinion of the 
Americans, on the nature of the acts in question, that "every 
assembly on the continent, and every member in every 
assembly, concurred in denying the right." 

The policy of the ministry was soon after settled. They 
resolved to pursue a middle course — >to repeal the stamp act 
and at the same time assert the power ;— to give up the tax on 
the ground of inexpediency and difficulty, but declare the 
absolute right of parliament to bind the colonies. This policy 
was introduced in the form of resolutions ; the declaratory reso- 
lutions being first brought in, and the resolution to repeal fol- 
lowing a few days after. Parties shifted on the debate. Mr. 
Grenville, and those who acted with him, supported the 
declaration, and resisted the repeal; and Pitt, Lord Camden, 
Col. Barre, and their friends, sustained the repeal, and deny- 
ed vehemently the whole power in question. In the course 
of the debate, Mr. Grenville replying, with some seventy, to 
a speech of Mr. Pitt, said, "The seditious spirit of the 
colonies owes its birth to the factions in this house ;" and con- 
cluded with charging the Americans with "breaking out, al- 
most into open rebellion." Mr. Pitt's reply was noble, and 
is known almost by heart by every American. " Sir, (said 
he, addressing the speaker,) a charge is brought against gen- 
tlemen sitting in this house, for giving birth to sedition in 
America. The freedom with which they have spoken their 
sentiments against this unhappy act, is imputed to them as a 
crime ; but the imputation shall not discourage me. It is a 
liberty which I hope no gentleman will be afraid to exercise ; 
it is a liberty, by which the gentleman who calumniates it, 
might have profited. He ought to have desisted from his 
project. We are told America is obstinate — America is al- 
most in open rebellion. Sir, I rejoice that America has resist- 
ed ; three millions of people so dead to all the feelings of lib- 
erty, as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been 
fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest. I came not 

G 



74 HISTORY OF THE 

here armed at all points with law cases and acts of pariia- 
ment, with the statute book doubled down in doge's ears to 
defend the cause of liberty ; « * * but for the defence of 
liberty upon a general, constitutional principle — it is a ground 
on which I dare meet any man. * * * The honorable 
gentleman boasts of his bounties to America. Are not these 
bounties intended finally for the benefit of this kingdom ? If 
they are not, he has misapplied the national treasures. I am 
no courtier of x\merica — I maintain that parliament has a 
right to bind, to restrain America. Our legislative power 
over the. colonies is sovereign and supreme. The honorable 
gentleman tells us, he understands not the difference between 
internal and external taxation ; but surely there is a plain 
distinction, between taxes levied for the purpose of raising a 
revenue, and duties imposed for the regulation of commerce. 
'When,' said the honorable gentleman, 'were the colonies 
emancipated ?' At Avhat time, say I in answer, were they 
made slaves ? The Americans have been wronged — they 
have been driven to madness by injustice. Will you pun- 
ish them for the madness you have occasioned ? No : let 
this country be the first to resume its prudence and temper ; 
I will pledge myself for the colonies, that, on their part, ani- 
mosity and resentment Avill cease." He concluded an im- 
passioned speech, by expressing his deliberate judgment, 
that the stamp act ought " to be repealed, absolutely, totally, 
and immediately." 

The declaratory act was finally carried in the House of 
Commons, by a vote of iilo to 107 — and the repealing act by 
a vote of 250 to 12'2. Both went to the House of Lords ; 
and, after vehement debate, were finally carried there, and 
received the royal assent on the 18th March. Lord Camden 
distinguished himself on the occasion, by the ardor of his 
zeal for American liberty. 

The repeal of the stamp act, was placed upon the ground 
that its continuance would be detrimental to British com- 
merce — and the declaratory act affirmed, that "Parliamen 
could bind the colonies in all crises wkai soever ;" and that 
"votes and resolutions of assemblies in America, derogatory 
to the rights and power of the British Parliament, were null 
and void." 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 75 



CHAPTER V. 

The repeal of the stamp act, produced great rejoicings in 
America. It was considered a virtual triumph over the doc- 
trine of parliamentary supremacy, by the signal defeat of the 
measures in which it had been for the first time practically 
declared. The energy and determination of the colonies, had 
driven the British government from their chosen position — 
and this was just cause for congratulation. Accordingly, the 
repeal was celebrated with bonfires and illuminations. Mas- 
sachusetts voted her thanks to the king, the duke of Grafton, 
and Mr. Pitt — and the house of burgesses of Virginia, pass- 
ed a bill for erecting a statue to the king, and an obelisk to 
commemorate those who had been most active in behalf of 
America, in the British parliament. Other events, however, 
soon cooled this warmth of gratitude ; and the succeeding 
house of burgesses postponed the project indefinitely. 

The passage of the declaratory act, simultaneously with the 
repealing act, was a sufficient warning that Great Britain had 
only consented to a truce in her war against American rights. 
In the temper of the colonies, it must have been foreseen by 
them, that though they might very properly exult in the 
defeat of the measures of Great Britain, they could not cor- 
dially return to the same state of confidence and affection 
towards her, while the principle against which they had con- 
tended so strenuously as a tyrannical innovation, remained 
incorporated in her statutes by the same act which abandoned 
its enforcement for the time. The immediate danger of col- 
lision was passed ; but it had so passed, as to leave materials 
for perpetual dissension, and the disposition to instant re- 
sistance, on any future attempt at internal taxation. The re- 
peal itself was thus, by the declaratory act, made inoperative 
for permanent conciliation ; and other immediate measures 
were calculated to weaken its effects yet further. The re- 
strictions upon trade, and the treasury regulations, were still 
in force ; the courts of admiralty still retained their extraor- 
dinary jurisdiction, so oppressive and unpopular among the 
people, especially on account of the suspension of jury trials; 
and the bills restraining the paper circulation of the Qi 



76 HISTORY CF THB 

were unrepealed. In addition to these latent sources of dis- 
cord, the first acts of the royal authorities, in regard to the stamp 
act repeal, tended to revive one of those quarrels with the 
general assembly of Massachusetts, which had so powerful 
an influence on the colonial cause. The whole stamp act 
controversy, had sharpened the jealousy of the Americans 
against all British pretensions, and had enlightened the pub- 
lic mind by the ablest disquisitions in every branch of all the 
questions of constitutional, chartered, and original rights. 

Secretary Conway's circular letter to the Governor, dated 
March 31st, expressed the disposition of the government to 
forget and forgive the " unjustifiable marks of undutiful dis- 
position," which had been shown in the colonies ; and re- 
commended the colonial assemblies to make compensation to 
those who had suffered in New- York and Boston, during the 
disturbances of the preceding year. 

In laying this communication before the assembly of Mas- 
^_.p sachusetts, Governor Bernard arrogantly styled it 
a requisition ; and told them, that the authority 
by which it was introduced, should " preclude all disputation 
about it." The stern independence of the assembly, met at 
once this attempt to impose the recommendations of the king, 
as obligatory upon them ; and they returned him an answer 
to his speech, conceived in the very temper of the stamp act 
resistance. They delayed granting the compensation until 
December ; and then only granted it on terms highly offen- 
sive to the government. A declaratory resolution accompa- 
nied the act of relief, protesting that it was done from a grate- 
ful regard to the king's recommendation, and from deference 
to the " opinion of the, illustrious patrons of the colonies in 
Great Britain," without any interpretation of the recommen- 
dation into a ' requisition,' — " with full persuasion that the 
sufferers had no just claim or demand on the province ;" and 
that it should not be drawn into a precedent. The same act 
granted full "pardon, indemnity, and oblivion, to all offend- 
ers in the late times" — a proceeding which so displeased the 
ministry, that the whole act was disallowed. The compen- 
sation to the sufferers was, however, paid. 

New- York made provision for the same class of persons, 
but dissensions arose immediately both there, and in other 
colonies, especially Massachusetts, on the subject of furnish- 
ing supplies for the soldiery quartered among them. The 
demand was made upon them " in pursuance of the ad of par' 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 77 

liament," passed contemporaneously with- the stamp act, for 
more necessaries than had been usual under former requisi- 
tions. The extent of the claim, and the form in which it 
was made, revived the taxing question. New- York refused, 
peremptorily, to comply Avith the act — and one of the conse- 
quences was, a bill passed in the next session, for suspend- 
ing the legislative power of that assembly, until they should 
consent to carry the ' mutiny act,' as it was called, into 
eiFect. 

Some time previous to that event, and in the summer of 
1766, the Rockingham ministry had been dissolved, and a 
new cabinet brought in under Mr. Pitt, who was created 
Earl of Chatham. These changes took place in July. Lord 
Shelburne re-entered the administration as one of the Secre- 
taries of State with Gen. Conway — and Charles Townshend, 
a man of brilliant and versatile genius, but capricious and 
unstable, was made Chancellor of the Exchequer. The 
duke of Grafton was placed at the head*of the Treasury, and 
Lord Camden was made Lord Chancellor. This is the che- 
quered administration, afterwards so humorously described 
by Burke, in his review of the life and character of Chat- 
ham. The scheme of taxing America was, with some art- 
ful modifications, while Lord Chatham was confined by sick- 
ness in the country, revived under the influence of Mr. Town- 
shend, Avho had been goaded in some degree into the exper- 
iment, by the taunts of the ex-minister Grenville. Previous 
to this final measure, the new ministry wQxe called upon to 
meet the state of affairs in the colonies, arising from the op- 
position to the act for quartering soldiers. The assembly of 
New York were punished for their refusal to comply with 
the act, by the susnension of their legislative I ^ , ^ 

. 1 rj % July O 17n7 

privileges ; which arbitrary measure, while it re- | ' "' 

duced New York to submission, roused a general feeling of 
resentment and alarm throughout America. It was well de- 
scribed by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, as 'a flaming 
sword,' hung over the heads of the other colonies. 

Another act, passed at the same time, was also regarded 
with similar dread and dislike. By it, a board of trade was 
established in the colonies, independent of colonial regula- 
tions, as a permanent body of administrators of the revenue, 
to administer such regulations as the king or council might 
make, as to American commerce. The sensitive jealousy of 
the people of Boston, saw in this new board, part of a system 
G3 



78 HISTORY OF THE 

of embarrassment to their trade, and hostility to their prin- 
ciples. 

But the most important act, was that of Mr. Townshend, 
for imposing duties on glass, tea, paper, and painter's colors, 
imported from Great Britain into the colonies — which was 
passed with little opposition — to take effect on the 20th of 
November. Professing, in the body of the act, and the form 
of the exaction, to be a regulation of commerce, it declared 
in the preamble, that it was '•' expedient to raise a revenue in 
America, and to make a more certain and adequate provision 
for defraying the charge of the administration of justice, and 
the support of the civil government of the provinces, and for 
defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and secu- 
ring them." This included, palpably, some of the most odi- 
ous designs with which the Grenville ministry had been 
charged — especially that of making a new civil list in the 
colonies, dependent upon ministerial patronage solely, and to 
be paid out of the proceeds of colonial taxation. 

These three acts all passed towards the close of the ses- 
sion — and were approved by the king on the same day. Be- 
jiiiv 1767 ^^^'^ their effect could be known, their author, Mr. 
Stfptem'r.' Charles Townshend, died suddenly of a putrid fever, 
and was succeeded by Lord North. A new office was cre- 
ated of Secretary of State for the colonies ; and Lord Hills- 
borough, who had performed the duties as first Lord of Trade 
and Plantations under Mr. Grenville's ministry, was appointed 
to the place. The earl of Chatham continued unable to at- 
tend to business, and some months afterwards resigned his 
office, in which he was succeeded by the Earl of Bristol. 

The excitement in America, on the receipt of the intelli- 
gence of these bills, was scarcely less than on the passage of 
the stamp act, two years before. The whole effect of the 
repeal of that ill-judged measure, in quieting the public feel- 
ing, was totally destroyed. The colonial assemblies prompt- 
ly commenced another and equally spirited series of resolu- 
tions, memorials, remonstrances, petitions, and protests, 
against the powers set up, and the oppression practised. Sym- 
pathy for the persecuted state of the province of New York, 
overpowered any timid apprehensions of encountering the 
like arbitrary suspension of their functions ; and they ac- 
cordingly expressed a generous zeal for her violated rights. 

The first popular measures, were the same that had been 
found so effective in the former contest. Resolutions against 



AMERICAN UE VOLUTION. 79 

the use and importation of British fabrics, commenced at 
Boston in October, and were concurred in, shortly after- 
wards, by New York and Philadelphia, and most of the prin- 
cipal towns engaged in commerce. The terms of the agree- 
ment, were to encouraoje the growth and consumption of do- 
mestic articles, and to discourage the mtroduction mto the 
country of any thing whatever from Great Britain, not abso- 
lutely necessary. Early in the next session of the general 
court, the house of representatives of Massachu- I , 
setts took the lead in protesting against all these | 
measures, including the yet unrepealed and offensive sugar 
act, which had been lost sight of, in the victory over the 
stamp act. The subtle distinction, by which the new duties 
had been made to differ from the stamp duties, in being 
external taxes combining regulations of trade with revenue, 
instead of internal duties solely for revenue, was met and 
exposed boldly. ' It is the glory,' said they, ' of this con- 
stitution, that it hath its foundation in the law of God and 
nature. It is an essential natural right, that a man shall quiet- 
ly enjoy, and have the sole disposal of his own property. 
This natural and constitutional right is so familiar to Ameri- 
can subjects, that it would be difficult, if possible, to convince 
them, that any necessity can render it just, equitable, and 
reasonable, in the nature of things, that parliament should 
impose duties, subsidies, talliage, and taxes, internal or ex- 
ternal, for the sole purpose of revenue.' They declared the 
act laying duty on tea, as well as the stamp act and the su- 
gar act, to be, both in form and substance, as much revenue 
acts, as the land tax, customs, and excises of England. They 
warmly reprobated the act establishing a permanent commis- 
sion of the customs of America, and stigmatized the suspen- 
sion of the New York Legislature as an alarming act to the 
rest of the colonies — from which ' political death and annihi- 
lation ' were to be apprehended. 

A circular was adopted to the other colonies, set- 
ting forth these views, and asking co-operation. 

Pennsylvania had nearly, contemporaneously, passed simi- 
lar resolutions ; and on the receipt of the circular of Massa- 
chusetts, it was entered upon their minutes with great una- 
nimity. The house of burgesses, in Virginia, in particular, 
applauded the course of INIassachusetts, and proclaimed the 
same principles and opinions in relation to all these acts, in 
language of determined boldness, as "replete with every 



February. 



80 HISTORY OF THE 

mischief, and utterly subversive of all that is dear and 
valuable." 

In Great Britain, the circular, and other proceedings of 
IMassachusetts, were received with alarm and resentment. 
They were viewed as preparatory to another congress, and 
a united opposition — and, in consequence, the earl of Hills- 
borough addressed a letter to Governor Bernard, directing 
him to 'require' of the house of representatives, in his ma- 
jesty's name, to rescind the resolution which gave birth to 
the circular letter of the speaker, and to declare their disap- 
probation of, and dissent to, tliat 7-ash and hasfy proceeding." 
He Avas further directed, if the house refused, to dissolve 
them, and report to the king, that measures might be taken 
for the future, to prevent " a conduct of so extraordinary 
and unconstitutional a nature." A circular Avas addressed, at 
the same time, to the governors of the other colonies, instruct- 
ing them to prevent the several assemblies from taking 
notice of the Massachusetts circular; or, if the assemblies 
proved refractory, to dissolve them. 

Governor Bernard laid the directions of the minister be- 
fore the house, at their meeting in June. Their spirit rose 
with the occasion ; and they passed a nearly unanimous 
A'ote, 7iot to rescind, as they had been ordered ; and re-affirm- 
ed the same opinions in still more energetic language — add- 
ing, as another ground of complaint, the attempt to restrain 
their right of deliberation. They expressed their surprise, 
that they should be called upon to rescind a resolution of a 
tbrmer legislature — a resolution that had been executed, and 
consequently only existed, as a historical fact. But, they 
added, if by rescinding, the government requiredihem to ex- 
jiress their disapprobation of that resolution, " we have only 
to inform you, that we have voted not to rescind ; and that 
on. a division on the question, there were 02 nays and 17 
yeas " — a piece of information, intended to reprove the let- 
ters he had written to Euglanrl, charging the passage of the 
resolution to '-unfair" practices. The governor dissolved 
them — but not before the same committee who had drawn 
up this reply, had drawn a peiition to the king to recall the 
governor, which was adopted by the house. The ministerial 
circular to the other provinces, met a similar fate. 

The assembly of Maryland, in reply to Governor Sharpe's 
message, told him, with firmness, that they would not be de- 
terred from joining in constitutional measures for common 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 81 

objects, with the legislatures of the other colonies. " We shall 
not be intimidated," say they, " by a few sounding expres- 
sions, from doing what we think to be right." 

Other colonies adopted similar resolutions. Virginia, in 
her memorial, protested that she would not " consent to 
anti-constitutional powers ;" and Georgia pronounced the Mas- 
sachusetts resolutions complained of, to be not of a danger- 
ous and factious tendency, as Lord Hillsborough had termed 
them — but, "on the contrary, tending to a justifiable union 
of subjects aggrieved, in lawful and laudable endeavors to 
obtain redress." New- York, in addition to language equally 
decided, appointed a committee of correspondence. 

In the mean time, the excitement in the town of Boston 
against the new board of customs, had risen to a great height, 
and produced a violent conflict between them, in the latter 
part of May. At the requisition of Governor Bernard, who 
complained of the refractory spirit of the Bostonians, it had 
been determined to station a military force among them; and, 
for that purpose, General Gage was ordered to quarter a regi- 
ment of the regular troops, in that town. Before they arriv- 
ed, however, the seizure of the sloop Liberty, belonging to 
John Hancock, for a violation of the odious revenue laws, 
had produced a great ferment in the town, and resulted in 
riotous proceedings ; during which, the collector, comptrol- 
ler, and inspector of the customs, were roughl}'^ handled by 
the populace, and their houses assaulted. They were final- 
ly compelled to take refuge, first on board of the Romney 
man-of-war, and then in Castle William. The dissatisfac- 
tion of the people was increased, by the impressment of 
American seamen, by officers of the Romney. The disturb- 
ances in the city, together with the attacks upon the reve- 
nue officers, were brought before the legislature — who ex- 
pressed their disapprobation of the disorders, and directed 
prosecutions to be commenced against the persons principal- 
l}'- concerned in it. At the same time they denounced the 
conduct of the revenue officers as haughty, tyrannical, and 
insulting. 

The legislature being dissolved, the governor refused to 
convene another, without the express commands of the 
king. About the first of September, a rumor began to pre- 
vail of the expected arrival of troops, to compel the obedience 
of the town to the acts of parliament. The inhabitants im- 
mediately held a town meeting, and asked information of the 



SjB history of the 

governor of the truth of this rumor. Receiving an evasive 
answer, they passed resolutions, at "the peril of their lives 
and fortune," to maintain their rights — and, affecting to an- 
ticipate a French war, voted that all the inhabitants should 
obsen'e the law of the province, which required them to be 
provided " with a well-finished fire-lock, musket, accoutre- 
ments, and ammunition " — a significant sign of their resolu- 
tion to be prepared for all extremities. On the refusal of the 
governor to summon a legislature, they voted to invite the 
rest of the towns to a convention, to be held in a few weeks 
afterwards, to consult upon measures "for his majesty's ser- 
vice, and the safety of the province." Ninety-six of the 
ninety-seven townships concurred, and the convention ac- 
cordingly met on the 22d September. Their proceedings 
were marked by much moderation ; and after a session of five 
days, they adjourned, having disclaimed any legislative au- 
thority — made professions of loyalty — adopted petitions and 
I'emonstrances, in which they complained of being grievous- 
ly misrepresented to the king — and recommended forbear- 
ance, good order, and the preservation of the peace. 

A few days after their adjournment, the troops disembark- 
j ed with great parade. The fleet of men-of-war and 
*^'' ' ' j frigates which brought them, drew up in warlike 
order ; and two regiments, instead of one, were landed under 
cover of the guns, as if invading an enemy's country. The 
selectmen being applied to, to provide quarters for the sol- 
diers, peremptorily refused — and Fanueil Hall was, by order 
of the governor, opened to them. This building also 
contained the courts and public offices. It was immedi- 
ately put into the condition of a garrison. Two field-pieces 
were placed immediately in front. Guards were stationed at 
the door — soldiers were constantly marching and counter- 
marching — and the sentries challenged the inhabitants as 
they passed. The sabbath, so religiously observed in Mas- 
sachusetts, was profaned by drillings and parades, the march- 
ing of troops, and the sound of martial music. The resent- 
ment of the people was, for a while, checked in its manifes- 
tations, by this display of force, and by the want of their 
house of representatives, which had been dissolved, and 
could not legally meet, except on the summons of the gov- 
ernor, until the next May. But their indignation was only 
suppressed, not quelled. Bickerings and collisions be- 
tween the soldiery and the populace occurred daily, to exaa- 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 83 

perate the temper of the colonies more keenly against, not 
only these measures of the British government, but against 
British authority altogether. Out of this military occupation 
of the town of Boston, sprang some of the most exciting and 
dangerous collisions that preceded the revolution. 

Before these proceedings were known in Great Britain, the 
Earl of Chatham, who had not, for a long time, been able to 
attend to business, had withdrawn from the ministry — and 
Lord Shelburne had given way to Lord Weymouth. 

When parliament met in November, American affairs were 
immediately brought before them ; and on the loth of De- 
cember, the house of lords passed a number of resolutions, 
censuring the conduct of the legislature and people of Mas- 
sachusetts in the severest terms — approving the measures al- 
ready taken by the ministry to suppress these attacks, upon 
the authority of his majesty — and praying his majesty to di- 
rect the governor of Massachusetts, "to take the most effec- 
tual methods for procuring the fullest information, touching 
all treasons or misprisions of treasons, committed within the 
government, since the .30^/i day of December 1767 ; and to 
transmit the same, together with the names of the persons 
who were most active in the commission of such offences, to 
one of the Secretaries of State, in order that his majesty 
might issue a special commission, for inquiring of, hearing 
and determining, the said offences ivitkin ike rea/ni of Great 
Britain, pursuant to the provisions of the statute of the 35th 
of King Henry the 8th." 

The house of commons concurred in these resolutions 
without opposition ; and thus the three branches of the Brit- 
ish government, solemnly approved of the whole 
train of measures pursued by the ministry at home, 
and the royal governors in the colonies, to enforce the taxing 
power against every resistance and remonstrance. 

But, in the interim, the combinations in America against 
the importation of British merchandize, had produced the 
same effect in England as when they had been employed to 
defeat the stamp act. The trade, commerce, manufactures, 
navigation, and revenue of the kingdom, suffered materially ; 
and the bad policy of irritating the Americans, had become, 
obvious to the authors of the mischief. To retreat from the 
stand, taken in favor of the British claims, was neither practi- 
cable, had they been so disposed, consistent with the tem- 
per of parliament and the state of parties — nor did it accord 



64 HISTORY OF THE 

with their own feelings and doctrines. Few friends of Araer» 
ica, on the constitutional point, were yet to be found ; and 
most of those who opposed ministers, rented upon the inex- 
pediency of exercising these powers at that time, and in such 
a mode. The cabinet accordingly pursued nearly the same 
policy as had been adopted, with such little success, in the 
repeal of the stamp act. Accompanying the resolutions, 
so hostile to the colony of Massachusetts for her zeal in the 
cause of America, and so subversive of the liberties of ail 
Americans, by making them subject to transportation to Eng- 
land for trial upon the king's suit, was a circular letter, en- 
gaging to make certain concessions and alterations in the 
acts complained of; which, it was thought, would make them 
more acceptable. A repeal of all the taxes, except that on 
tea, was offered. That tax, notwithstanding its trilling amount, 
was to be retained, in the nature of a declaratory act ; and, 
it was believed, that this union of rigor and concession, would 
vindicate the power of Great Britain, and secure the acquies- 
cence of the colonies. 

The expectation was totally disappointed. The conflicts 
of four years, against the principle of taxation, under such 
constantly reiterated assaults upon their liberties in other 
forms, had embittered the feelings of the colonists towards 
Great Britain, and imbued them Avith a thorough distrust of 
all the acts and policy of the British government. The con- 
ciliatory promise was altogether disregarded ; and the provi- 
sion for the trial of accused persons, under the act of Henry 
VIII. became a new subject for alarm, angry suspicion, 
remonstrance, and resentment. 

The Massachusetts legislature was not in session ; but the 
house of burgesses of Virginia, promptly led the way in de- 
nouncing the acts aimed against a sister colony, as an assault 
upon the common liberty. Early in May they re-asserted 
their sole and exclusive right to raise taxes; and declared 
that all trials for " treason, misprisions of treason, or for any 
felony or crime whatever, committed in the colony, ought to 
be before the courts of the colony ;" and that " sending them 
beyond the seas" to be tried, is "highly derogatory to the 
rights of British subjects." The governor. Lord Botetourt 
informed of these proceedings, and highly incensed, appear- 
ed unexpectedly in the house, on the next day, and ad- 
dressed them in these words : "Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen 
of the houac uf representatives, I have heard of your resolves, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 85 

and augur ill of their effects ; you have made it my duty to 
dissolve you, and you are accordingly dissolved." The 
members instantly met in an unofficial capacity ; and choos- 
ing Peyton Randolph, the late speaker, moderator, entered 
into a written engagement not to import any of the taxed ar- 
ticles : and included in the prohibition other articles, the di- 
minution of the consumption of which might affect the inter- 
ests of Great Britain. INIaryland, Delaware, and New- York, 
adopted similar resolutions ; and the assembly of the las* 
mentioned province ordered those of Virginia to be entered 
at large on the journals. Those of North Carolina were 
so strong, that Governor Tryon dissolved the assembly. 
South Carolina not only joined in these views, but openly 
disobeyed the act for quartering troops. 

The non-importation agreements became general — it might ' 
almost be said universal. Those signed by the Virginia bur- 
gesses, were rapidly circulated ; and signatures of a vast num- 
ber of individuals, were speedily obtained. A non-importa- 
tion confederacy was extended throughout the provinces, and 
committees organized for superintending and enforcing the 
execution of the compact. Georgia and Rhode Island, were 
the last to come into the league ; and such was the temper 
with which their refusal was regarded, that some places of 
considerable magnitude — Charleston, in South Carolina, for 
example — discontinued all intercourse with them until they 
joined, Georgia in September, and Rhode Island in October. 

While the other colonies were thus generously and firmly 
espousing the cause of American rights, vitally assailed in 
the oppressive measures put in force against Massachusetts, 
that undaunted commonwealth was gallantly waging a direct 
controversy with the royal governor, backed by a British 
fleet and army. When the general court met in May, their 
first measure was to demand from the governor the immedi- 
ate removal of the land forces out of the city, and sea forces 
from the port, during the session of the assembly; for the 
reason, as they expressed it, that "an armament by sea and 
land, investing the metropolis, and a military guard, with 
cannon pointed at the door of the state house, are inconsist- 
ent with that dignity and freedom, with which they had a 
right to deliberate, consult, and determine." Upon his re- 
fusal, they peremptorily refused to proceed to business, until 
he adjourned them to Cambridge. Notwithstanding their re- 
peated denials of his power to adjourn them to any place out 



86 HISTORY OF THE 

of Boston, they proceeded to discuss the subject of their 
rights ; and, concurring in the Virginia resolutions, with 
respect to the transporting of Americans to Great Britain for 
trial, they added an energetic declaration, that the establish- 
ment of "a standing army in the colony in time of peace, 
without the consent of the general assembly, is an invasion 
of the natural rights of the people," as well as those which 
they claimed by "magna charta, the bill of rights, and the 
charter of the province." 

Towards the close of the session, the governor made a re- 
quisition upon them, to provide funds for paying for the 
quartering of the troops. After repeated demands on his 
part, they passed some high-toned resolves ; concluding with 
resolving, that they 'never' would make any such provision as 
he asked for ; as they could not do it consistently with their 
' own honor,' or their ' duty to their constituents.' The gov- 
j^i „ I ernor accordingly prorogued them to the 10th of the 
j next January; and on the 1st August, he sailed for 
Europe, having been ordered home by the ministry ; and 
was succeeded in the government of the province by lieuten- 
ant governor Hutchinson. 

Shortly afterwards, the people of Boston, at a 
town meeting, took into consideration the circular 
letter of Lord Hillsborough, of which mention has been be- 
fore made in this chapter, ofTering a repeal of all the duties 
in dispute, under the last revenue act, except the tea duty. 
They resolved that such a measure " v.'ould not be satisfacto- 
ry ; that it would not relieve trade from its burdens, much 
less remove the grounds of discontent, which prevailed 
throughout the continent, upon higher principles," " In 
short," they continued, "the grievances which lie heavy 
upon us we shall never think redressed, till every act passed by 
the British parliament, for the express purpose of raising a 
revenue upon us without our consent, is repealed — till the 
American Board of Commissioners of the Customs is dissolved ; 
the troops recalled; and things are restored to the state they 
were in before the late extraordinary measures of adminis- 
tration took place." 

The letter of the merchants of Philadelphia, to their cor- 
respondents in London, dated 25th of November, 176S), de- 
scribes most faithfully and strongly the temper of the times, 
and the points in dispute. Some extracts follow : 

'^ We are very sensible that the prosperity of the colonies 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. " 87 

depends upon their union and connexion with Great Britain. 
In this sentiment all the Americans concur; yet they cannot 
bring themselves to think, that for this reason they ought to 
be divested of liberty and property. Yet this must be the 
case, if the parliament can make laws to bind the colonies in 
all cases whatever — can levy taxes upon them without their 
consent, dispose of the revenues thus raised without their 
consent, multiply officers at pleasure, and assign them fees 
to be paid without, nay contrary to and in direct violation of 
acts of assembly regularly passed by the colonies and approv 
ed by the crown ; can enlarge the power of admiralty courts, 
divert the usual channels of justice, deprive the colonists of 
trials by jury of their own countrymen ; In short, break down 
the barriers which their forefathers have erected against arbi- 
trary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies. 
To such a system of government the Americans cannot tame- 
ly submit ; not from an impatience of subordination, a spirit 
of independence, or want of loyalty to their king ; for in a 
quiet submission to just government, in zeal, affection, and 
attachment to their king, the people of the colonies dare to 
vie with any of the best of their fellow subjects ; but from an 
innate love of liberty and the British constitution." * * * 

"For this reason we think ourselves obliged to inform you, 
that though the merchants have confined their agreements to 
the repeal of the act laying a duty on tea, paper, glass, &c. 
yet nothing less than a repeal of all the revenue acts, and 
putting things on the same footing they were before the late 
innovations, can or will satisfy the minds of the people. The 
fleets and armies may overawe our towns ; admiralty courts 
and boards of commissions, with their swarms of underlings, 
may, by a rigorous execution of severe unconstitutional acts, 
ruin our commerce, and render America of little use to the 
people of Britain ; but while every farmer is a freeholder, the 
spirit of liberty will prevail ; and every attempt to divest them 
of the privileges of freemen, must be attended with conse- 
quences injurious to the colonies and the mother country." 

On the other hand, the British government were actuated 
by a most unwise policy in determining obstinately to adhere 
to the principle of taxation, and not to remove any of the 
other causes of discontent. Deceived by the representations 
of their agents and officers in America, they thought the dis- 
orders which had taken place, were the work of a few fac- 
tious leaders ; and that relief from the burden of taxation, 



#B HISTORY OF THE 

would quiet the great mass of the people, leaving the promi- 
nent agitators to be dealt with by the law. 

Accordingly, on the meeting of parliament in January, 
this imbecile plan was carried into effect. The duke ol 
Grafton, having resigned his oflice of first lord of the treasu- 
ry, Lord North, chancellor of the exchequer, succeeded him 
and became the head of the administration. . 

Lord Chatham, who had unexpectedly recovered ''"^ 
his health, in part, attended in the house of lords, and made 
several ineffectual efforts, in conjunction with the marquis ot 
Rockingham, to have all the grievances of America taken 
into consideration, and redressed. He admitted the excesses 
that had been committed there : "but," said he, "such is my 
partiality to America, that I am disposed to make allowance 
even for these excesses. The discontents of three millions 
of people, deserve consideration : the foundation of those 
discontents ought to be removed." Lord North was obsti- 
nate ; and a large majority of parliament sustained him. A 
partial measure of redress, totally inadequate to the claims of 
the colonies, was introduced on the 5th of March, the very 
day on which the Boston massacre took place in another hemi- 
sphere ; and was adopted in April. The duties imposed by 
the act of 1767 were all taken off, except the insignificant 
duty on tea, left to maintain the doctrine of supremacy. 

No permanent effect favorable to the interests of Great 
Britain, was produced by this measure. Lord North, in sup- 
porting it, had declared, that to temporize with the right was 
to yield it ; and that " a total repeal " could not be thought of, 
until America was "prostrate at the feet" of the British par- 
liament. So the Americans estimated it very generally ; and 
the retention of the tea d-uty, met with no less spirited oppo- 
sition from the colonial legislatures, than the whole act had 
done before. The non-importation agreements were in pari 
relinquished, chiefly from the defection of the province ot 
New York ; but the combination against the purchase and 
use of tea, was continued. 

Before the knowledge of the repeal reached America, 
a riot of an alarming nature had occurred in the town of Bos- 
ton ; in which the soldiery had fired on and killed some bf 
the citizens. On the 2d of March, a slight affray had taken 
place between some of the regular troops and some rope- 
makers, in which the soldiers were worsted. Party feeling was 
roused ; and on the evening of the 5th, a crowd of citizens 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 89 

attacked the city guard, and pelted them with stones and 
snow balls, till the word was given to " fire " in return; when 
eight pieces were discharged ; three citizens Avere killed, 
and several severely wounded. The crowd immediately 
dispersed in all directions to raise the city ; the bells were 
rung, alarm spread everywhere, drums beat, and the cry " to 
arms," was raised. Theexcitement soon brought an immense 
crowd together, who menaced the soldiers with destruction, and 
were with difficulty appeased by the promises of Governol 
Hutchinson, that justice should be done in the morning. 
They accordingly re-assembled under the lead of Samuel 
Adams and Royal Tyler, to the number of many thousands ; 
and a long and angry conference was held with the gover- 
nor. They Insisted upon the Instant removal of the troops 
from the town ; and, for twenty hours, they bore with the 
prevarications and evasions of the governor, who denied hia 
power over the military, and declined giving the order for 
removal, even when the commanding officer expressed his 
willingness to acquiesce in the wishes of the people. The 
stern resolution and persevering boldness of Samuel Adams, 
who warned the governor of the consequences of the refusal, 
and put them entirely upon his responsibility, succeeded in 
extorting the order without violence, and the troops were 
removed. 

Captain Preston and his company were arrested, and tried 
for murder, by the colonial courts. It is one of the finest 
traits of revolutionary virtue, love of justice and order, and 
obedience to the law, that these soldiers, tried in the 
midst of a community so exasperated against the military 
in general, and provoked by dally insults and conflicts, 
were zealously and eloquently defended on universal princi- 
ples of law and equity, by John Adams and Josiah Quincy, 
two of the most eminent American patriots ; and six of them 
acquitted by a conscientious, unprejudiced, and magnanimous 
jury. Two of the soldiers were convicted oi manslaughter. 

The Boston massacre, as it continues to be called, produced 
a great sensation throughout the colonies, and nearly pro- 
duced similar riots with the military in other places. The 
slain were buried together, with much public solemnity; and 
annual orations were delivered, to commemorate the disas- 
trous event. 

Although it resulted in the acquittal of the chief per- 
sons accused, it served to aggravate the hostility of the- 



90 HISTORY OF THE 

people towards the military ; of which numerous prooli 
were given almost daily. Not long afterwards, Governor 
Hutchinson, who had taken no measures to relieve the alarm 
of the people in respect to the tragical affair, sent a special 
message to complain of some petty obstructions to the custom- 
house officers at Gloucester. The answer of the house was 
in the loftiest strain of indignant eloquence. "The in- 
stance," said they, "which your honor recommends to our 
attention, admitting it to be true, cannot be more threatenin" 
to government, than those enormities which have been 
known to be committed by the soldiery of late, and have 
strangely escaped punishment, though repeated in defiance 
of the laws and authority of government. A military force, 
posted among the people without their express consent, is 
itself one of the greatest grievances, and threatens the total 
subversion of a free constitution; much more, if designed to 
execute a system of corrupt and arbitrary power, and even to 
exterminate the liberties of the country. The bill of rights, 
passed immediately after the revolution of 16S8, expressly de- 
clares, that the keeping of a standing army within the king- 
dom, in time of peace, without the consent of the parliament, 
is against law ; and we take this occasion to say, that the keep- 
ing of a standing army w ithin this province, in a time of peace, 
without the consent of the general assembly, is against law." 

"Such a standing army must be designed to subjugate the 
people to arbitrary measures. It is a most violent infraction 
of their natural and constitutional rights. It is an u.nlawful 
ASSEMBLY — of all others the most dangerous and alarming — 
and every instance of its restraining the liberty of any indi- 
vidual, is a crime which infinitely exceeds what the law in- 
tends by a riot. Surely, then, your honor cannot think that 
this house can descend to a consideration of matters compa- 
ratively trifling, while the capital of the province has so lately 
Deen in a state of actual imprisonment, and the goveinment 
is uzider duress." 

After tracing the disorders and dissension.-* to " unconstitu- 
tional acts," and the sentence of the laws under the terror 
of arms, they conclude : 

" We yet entertain a hope, that the military power, so 
grievous to the people, will soon be removed from the pro- 
vince. Till then, we have nothing to expect, but that tyran- 
ny and confusion will prevail, in defiance of the laws of the 
land, and the just and constitutional authority of government.' 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 91 

These quotations are made more at large, because for the 
next two years the chief permanent sources of CDllioicm be- 
tween the royal authorities and the colonists, arose from 
these military occupations, which the Americans insisted 
upon were tyrannical and unconstitutional. Out of them grew 
perpetual conflicts and quarrels between the citizens and the 
soldiery. 

The Massachusetts assembly had a constant dispute with 
the governor, concerning their place of meeting — he 
having convened them at Cambridge — while they reso- 
lutely insisted upon their constitutional right to meet at Bos- 
ton ; and yielded only from the necessities of public business. 
No tax bill was passed during the year 1771 ; the governor 
having informed them that he had his majesty's command, 
" not to give his assent to any act subjecting the commission- 
ers of the customs and other officers of the crown, to be 
taxed by the usual assessors, for the profits of their xiommis- 
sions — and that they must therefore so qualify their tax bill." 
The house in reply told him, " they knew of no commis- 
sioners of his majesty's customs, nor of any revenue his majesty 
had a right to establish in North America. We know and 
feel (said they,) a tribute levied and extorted from those, 
who, if they have property, have a right to the absolute dis- 
posal of it." 

Throughout the colonies, the non-importation agreements 
were continued ; and were the only measures of opposition 
to the British claims, employed during the year 1771. Angry 
complaints, increasing bitterness of feeling, and a more 
general sentiment of repugnance to Great Britain, were the 
chief results of the weak and tyrannical policy of Great 
Britain. In 1772, a new grievance was imposed upon the 
colony of Massachusetts, by a royal regulation, making pro- 
vision for the support of the governor, independent of the 
colonial assembly ; which the house of representatives, con- 
vened for the first time since their removal to Cambridge, at 
Boston, resolved to be an "infraction of the rights of the 
inhabitants, granted by the royal charter." This was con- 
sidered so alarming a measure — so fraught with danger to the 
liberties of the people, by making their executive and judi- 
cial otHcers dependent entirely upon the crown, ( ' 
and beyond the reach of the people — that it led, j 
under the active exertions of Samuel Adams, and Joseph 
Warren, to the formation of committees of correspondence, 



92 HISTORY OP THE 

in most of the towns of the colony — which plan formed the 
germ of that continental union of counsels, which carried the 
colonies forward together to the declaration of Independence 
The appointment of these committees, created a long ana 
able controvers}'^ between the Governor and the House of 
Representatives ; in which it was plainly to be seen, that the 
coercive measures of the British government, so tar from 
breaking the spirit, or lessening the demands of the Ameri- 
cans, had onl}^ served to elevate both. The House of Repre- 
sentatives unhesitatingly concluded, that parliament had no 
claim to bind the colonics in any case whatsoever. " If," 
said they, "there have been any late instances of submission 
to acts of parliament, it has been, in our opinion, rather from 
inconsideration, or reluctance at the idea of contending with 
the parent state, than from a conviction or acknowledgment 
of the supreme legislative authority of parliament." 

In June of that same year, the opposition of Rhode Island 
to the revenue acts was manifested in a daring manner. The 
IJritish armed schooner Gaspce in pursuing a packet sloop that 
had rel\ised to lower her colors as a salute, run aground. A 
party of the citizens of Providence, headed by John Brown, 
a wealthy merchant, boarded the schooner at night, and 
burnt her, with all her stores. The British government 
offered a reward of five hundred pounds sterling for the per- 
petrators, and appointed a commissioner to try them, but no 
evidence could be obtained. Another tyrannical act was the 
consequence. Burning the royal stores was made felony, 
for which the culprit could be tried in a7iy county in Great 
Britain. 

Active resistance and remonstrance for the years 1771 
and 1772 were confined to New England, and chiefly to 
Massachusetts. The ill-omened presence of the troops 
quartered there, and the particular sufferings of a commercial 
people under the restrictions upon trade, threw them 
in advance of the other colonies during that time, in the 
great struggle of rights. The spring of 177'3 was signalized 
by a union of interests and action in all the colonies by the 
establishment of standing committees of correspondence. 
The plan was formed, and proposed, nearly at the same time 
in Virginia and Massachusetts, by Richard Henry Lee and 
Samuel Adams. The resolutions of Virginia were introduced 
M h 1773 I °^ *^'^ ^^*^ °^ March, 1773, by Dabney Carr, a 
^^ ' ' \ member of the Virginia House of Burgesses. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 93 

After reciting the prevalence of rumors of proceedings 
tending to deprive them of their "ancient, legal and consti- 
tutional rights ;" — and reciting further, that the affairs of 
Virginia, were very frequently connected with those of Great 
Britaia and the other colonies, rendering a " communication 
of sentiment" necessary to " remove the uneasiness, and quiet 
the minds of the people," they appointed a committee of 
eleven to obtain intelligence of all proceedings in England 
relative to America, and maintain a communication with the 
other provinces concerning them : and particularly to inquire 
into the recent act constituting the court of inquiry in Rhode. 
Island, with power to transport Americans to Great Britain 
for trial. These were accompanied by a proposition to the 
other colonies, to join in the same measure. 

So nearly contemporaneous were the resolutions of Massa- 
chusetts that, in the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, the messengers 
who carried the intelligence crossed each other on the road. 
Thence forward the proceedings of the colonists assumed a con- 
sistency and uniformity of activity eminently favourable to 
success, and highly instrumental in producing the revolution. 
Occasions were not wanting for calling these committees into 
immediate duty. The first subject after the organization was 
a contested question between the assembly of Massachusetts 
and the governor, concerning the salaries of the judges — he 
refusing to approve a grant they had made for that purpose, 
on the allegation that the king had taken the support of the 
colonial judiciary into his own hands. The assembly remon- 
strated, and four of the judges disclaimed the governor's 
views ; the fifth, however, adhered, and they voted to 
impeach him, which the governor refused to sanction, and 
the impeachment according!}' failed — but the controversy 
formed an agitating subject of discussion throughout the 
country. The attempt to make the judges dependent upon 
the ministry was considered a violent assault upon the liber- 
ties of the colony. 

But another circumstance occurred shortly afler, which 
carried the hostility of the people of Massachusetts against 
the governor, to a height of greater exasperation. This was 
the publication of certain private letters, written by him and 
lieutenant-governor Oliver, to England, during the years 
1768 and 1769, on the subject of American affairs. They 
recommended violent measures to reduce the colonies, 
especially Massachusetts, to subjection, and represented the 



M HISTORY OF THE 

views and characters of the patriots in the blackest colors 
Their advice seems to have been powerful in England ; and 
many of the measures adopted there, hostile to the colonies, 
were in accordance with their suggestions. They went even 
farther than the ministry had yet gone, in urging alterations 
or suspensions of the charters — the institution of a privileged 
order of nobility — the enactment of severe penal laws, and 
the execution of some of the "principal incendiaries." 
These letters were obtained in England by Dr. Franklin, and 
confidentially transmitted to some of his friends at Boston for 
their information. They were of so alarming a tenor that 
they were brought before the House of Repre- 
sentatives, sitting with closed doors, by Samuel 
Adams, and afterwards ordered, by them, to be published in 
self-defence. When they were read in secret session, the 
House unanimously voted that their tendency was " to over- 
throw the constitution of this government, and to introduce 
arbitrary power into the province." They next adopted a 
petition to the king, " to remove the governor Hutchinson, 
and the lieutenant-governor OVi\ey for ever from the govern- 
ment of the province." In favor of this petition, there were 
eightv-two out of ninety-four voices. 

Dr. Franklin was instructed to present this petition to Lord 
Dartmouth, who had succeeded Lord Hillsborough as secre- 
tary to the colonies, in the autumn of the preceding year. 
By him it was laid before the king in council, where Dr. 
Franklin was summoned to support it. It was on that occa- 
sion that Mr. Weddcrburn — afterwards Lord Loughborough-— 
as counsel in opposition to the petition, poured out that 
memorable volley of insult and vituperation, upon Dr. 
Franklin, as the alledged author of the disturbances in Ame- 
rica. The philosophic patience with which this was borne 
by the venerable Franklin, is reported to have given way in 
but one significant whisper to the attorney general, " I will 
make your master a little king for this." 

The petition was dismissed, and the odious officers left in 
command of the discontented province. 

At this critical juncture, the British ministry, with the aid 
of the East India Company, undertook to effect, by policy, 
what had in the stamp act, and other acts of that nature, 
been previously attempted by open measures, accompanied 
by coercion. The tea duty had been reserved as a mere 
assertion of supremacy — being too trifling in amount to be 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION US 

regarded for the sake of revenue. The Americans had, 
nowever, by their non-importation agreements, effectually 
resisted its collection for several years. It was now con- 
trived, by concert between the British government and 
the Directory of the East India Company, that tea should be 
introduced into America, at very low prices, by a relaxation 
of the duties in England, still retaining the duty on importa- 
tion into America. A naked question of principle, on tax- 
ation, was thus presented — and it remained to be seen, 
whether the colonies would, without the allegation of oppres- 
sive taxation, encounter the whole force of the mother 
country. It was an insidious plan ; but the virtue and energy 
of the Americans foiled it most signally. Three pence a 
pound upon tea, accompanied with drawbacks of duty at the 
place of exportation more than compensating for the tax, 
was in itself insignificant as a burden ; but the principle of 
tyranny was strong in it, and resistance was as instantaneous 
and unyielding, as though it had been an act of confiscation. 

The non-importation agreements, so faithfully observed, 
had deprived the East India Company of an extensive market 
for their tea. The exports from Great-Britain had diminished, 
until it was computed that at least seventeen millions of pounds 
of tea had accumulated in the company's warehouses. 
Anxious to reduce this quantity, and secure some portion of 
their commercial profits, the company at first urged the 
repeal of the tea duty, levied in America. This being 
refused, a compromise Avas agreed upon, by which they 
were authorized to export their tea from England duty free, 
paying the tax in the colonies ; by which means the price 
would have been lower in America than on the repeal of the 
American duty, without the drawback at home. Vast quan- 
tities were accordingly freighted to America, and agents 
appointed to dispose of it, on the faith that no obstruction 
would be offered- The shipments were principally to New York, 
Philadelphia, Charleston, and Boston. 

There was not, however, a moment's hesitation in Ame- 
rica, on the question. The first tidings of the scheme pro- 
duced a universal determination to defeat it. The com- 
mittees of correspondence became active, and mutual pledges 
were soon obtained from every port, that the tea should not 
be landed. These were easily redeemed in Philadelphia and 
New York, at which places the consignees were intimidated, 
and the sale of the tea prevented, or the ships com- 



So HISTORY OF THE 

pelled to return without breaking bulk — " and they sailed 
up the Thames," in the language of John Adams, "to 
proclaim to all the nation that New York and Penn- 
sylvania would not be enslaved." In Charleston it was 
landed, indeed, but the agents were not permitted to offer it 
for sale, and it was in consequence stored in cellars, where 
it finally perished. In Boston, however, the inveterate 
obstinacy of Governor Hutchinson, and of the board of cus- 
toms under his direction, prevented so peaceable a termina- 
tion of the affair. The courage of the town-people was mora 
than equal to his obstinacy ; and town-meeting after town 
meeting was held to reiterate their firm resolulion that the 
tea should not be landed, nor duty paid, and that they would 
maintain this position at the "risk of life and property." 
Still the authorities refused to give clearances, and Admiral 
Montague, who commanded on the station, was directed to 
prevent all vessels, except coasters, from passing out, without 
a written permit from the governor. Night after night the 
Bostonians kept guard upon the wharves, to obstruct any 
attempt to land privately ; and in this state of excitement 
the controversy continued till the middle of December. The 
,-.„ patriot leaders, the Adamses, Otis and Quincy, 
and the rest, were indefatigable in stimulating the 
j)cople to perseverance, and finally urged the daring feat of 
destroying the tea. Ou the IDth of that month, all things 
were prepared, and a messenger was despatched to the 
governor for his final repl3^ During his absence, Josiah 
Quincy warned them of the consequences of the contem- 
plated act, w^hile he roused their courage in the following 
nervous style : — 

"It is not," said he, "Mr. Moderator, the spirit that 
vapours within these walls that must stand us in stead. The 
exertions of this day will call forth events, which Avill make 
a very different spirit necessary for our salvation. Whoever 
supposes, that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials 
of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We must be grossly 
ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which 
we contend ; we must be equally ignorant of the power of 
those who have combined agairst us; we must be blind to 
that malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, which actu- 
ate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our 
bosom, to hope that we shall end this controversy without 
the sharpest — the sharpest conflicts — to flatter ourselves 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 97 

that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclama- 
tions, and popular vapour, will vanquish our foes. Let us 
consider the issue. Let us look to the end. Let us weigh 
and consider, before we advance to those measures which 
must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle this coun- 
try ever saw." 

Their actions answered promptly this spirit-stirring appeal. 
When it was announced that the governor had refused the 
pass, they dissolved the meeting, and shortly afterwards, 
several parties of men, some of them disguised as Mohawk 
Indians, boarded the ships, in the presence of thousands of 
spectators who lined the wharves, broke open the chests of 
tea, and emptied their contents into the bay. They then 
dispersed, peaceably, to their homes. 

The destruction of the tea, formed a new and momentous 
crisis in the relations between America and Great Britain. 
It was the tirst open exercise of popular force against the 
authority of acts of parliament ; a bold step towards resistance 
by force of arms to the British claims of supremacy. The 
timid were struck with dismay attheefFects they anticipated , and 
few knew how to look steadily upon the future. Indepen- 
I'dence did not, as yet, form any consistent part of the designs, 
even of the leading patriots, and with the vast majority the 
return to a peaceful enjoyment of their rights under the 
British constitution, as they construed it to apply to America, 
was the most of their hopes. Not to submit to anything 
less, was the general determination ; and the ardor of the 
mass, and the confident zeal of heroic leaders, hurried the 
whole people onward to joint resolution, common objects, 
and finally to one single aim — that of complete emancipation 
from unrelenting tyranny. The events which followed in 
rapid succession, soon left no alternative, but unyielding 
resistance or unlimited submission. 

I 



^ 



HIS-rORT OV TH« 



CHAPTER VI. 



Parliament met in January, but American afl^irs were not 
mentioned in the King's speech at the opening of the session. 
I A special message was laid before both Houses in 
' ' ' I March, informing them "of the unwarrantable 
practices carried on in North America, and particularly of the 
violent and outrageous proceedings at Boston, with a view of 
obstructing the commerce of the kingdom, and upon grounds 
and pretences, immediately subversive of its constitution." 
In presenting these papers, the minister spoke vehemently 
of inflicting "punishment" on this "daring and criminal 
conduct," and vindicating the " dignity of the crown;" — 
threats which were re-echoed by the addresses of both 
Houses. The measures which followed, showed the vindic- 
tive temper of parliament, and their determination to remove 
every obstruction of law, constitutions, charters, natural 
and vested rights, and common equity, in order to punish 
the audacity of the Bostonians, and the offending colony. 

Three bills were introduced, and carried with little show 
of opposition — almost by acclamation. 

The First — known in history as the Boston Port Bill, pro- 
vided — " for the immediate removal of the officers con- 
cerned in the collection of customs from Boston, and to dis- 
continue the landing and discharging, lading and shipping of 
goods, wares, and merchandize, at Boston, or within the 
harbour thereof, " after the ensuing first June ; — to continue 
during his Majesty's pleasure. It also levied a fine, for the 
indemnification of the East India Company, and all others 
who had been injured in the "late riots." The board of 
customs was removed to the town of Salem. 

The Second — subverted the whole constitution and charter 
of the province, that all power out of the hands of the peo- 
ple, to vest it absolutely in the crown — deprived the lower 
house of their agency in the selection of counsellors, and of 
the privilege of appointing sherifls, judges, and magistrates, 
both which it gave to the governor: and further suppressed 
all town-meetings, not sanctioned by his permission. 

The Third Bill — "for the impartial administration of jus- 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. W 

tice, in Massachusetts Bay ;" authorized the removal to Eng;. 
land, for trial, of any person indicted for murder, in the 
colonies, on the allegation that the act was committed in aid- 
ing the civil authorities in the execution of the laws ; a pro- 
vision designed for the protection of soldiers, whom it might 
be found necessary to employ in shooting the Americans. 

Protests against these acts were entered on the journals of 
the House of Lords by eleven peers, as dangerous, unjust, 
and unconstitutional. The Earl of Chatham was unable to 
attend the House until they had been passed, but took occa- 
sion to raise a warning voice against them, on a subsequent 
agitation of the matter. 

" I condemn," said he, " in the severest manner, the tur- 
bulent and unwarrantable conduct of the Americans, in some 
instances, particularly in the late riots at Boston ; but, my 
lords, the mode which has been pursued to bring them 
back to a sense of their duty, is so diametrically opposite to 
every principle of sound policy, as to excite my utmost 
astonishment. You have involved the guilty and the inno- 
cent in one common punishment, and avenge the crime of 
a few lawless depredators upon the whole body of the 
inhabitants." 

" My lords, it has always been my fixed and unalterable 
opinion, and I will carry it with me to the grave, that this 
country had no right under heaven, to tax America. It is 
contrary to all the principles of justice and civil policy : it is 
contrary to that essential, unalterable right in nature, ingrafted 
into the British Constitution as a fundamentallaw, that what 
a man has honestly acquired is absolutely his own, which 
he may freely give, but which cannot be taken away from 
him, without his consent. Pass, then, my lords, instead of 
these harsh and severe edicts, an amnesty over their errors : 
by measures of lenity and affection allure them to their duty ; 
act the part of a generous and forgiving parent. A period 
may arrive, when this parent may stand in need of every 
assistance she can receive from a grateful and affectionate 
offspring." 

Colonel Barre failed not to enforce the same views, but m 
vain. The ministry were doomed to slight every counsel ia^ 
which safety for British interests could have been found. 

The Port Bill passed in March, the other bills in May ; 
and in the latter month, General Gage, the commander-in- 
chief of the royal forces in North America, arrived ia Bo8-t 



100 HISTORY OF THfi ^^ 

ton, with a commission to supersede Mr. Hutchinson as 
governor of the province. He was received personally with 
courtesy, by the people ; but the measures he was appointed 
to enforce, were met by unflinching opposition. A meeting 
was instantly held, to consider the Port Bill, then the only 
one received, at which it was 

" Resolved, That it is the opinion of this town, that if the 
other colonies come mto a joint resolution to stop all importa- 
tion from and exportation to Great Britain, and every part of 
the West Indies, till the act be repealed, the same will prove 
the salvation of North America and her liberties ; and that 
the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the act, 
exceed all our powers of expression. We therefore leave 
it to the just censure of others, and appeal to God and the 
world." 

Virginia again nobly came to the succor of Massachusetts in. 
her adversity. The house of burgesses appointed the 1st of 
June, the day on which the Port Bill was to go into effect, as a 
day of " fasting, humiliation, and prayer," in consideration of 
the " hostile invasion of the city of Boston, in our sister colony 
of Massachusetts" — "devoutly to implore the divine interposi- 
tion for averting the heavy calamity which threatens destruc- 
„, tion to our civil rights, and the evils of civil war; 

^* "'■ to give us one heart and one mind, firmly to oppose, 
by all just and proper means, every injury to American 
rights." 

Governor Dunmore resenting this proceeding, dissolved 
the assembly, who instantly reassembled to the number of 
eighty-nine, and formed themselves into a non-importing 
association, including in their agreements, one not to use any 
East India productions whatever except spices and salt-petre, 
until the wrongs of America were redressed. The Port Bill 
they pronounced a "most dangerous attempt to destroy the 
liberty and rights of all North America." They concluded 
with proposing a " general Congress" of the colonies, "to 
deliberate on those general measures which the united inter- 
ests of America may, from time to time, require." 

The Massachusetts assembly, which met by adjournment at 
Salem, on the 7th of June, voted to send deputies to a general 
Congress, at Philadelphia, on the first Monday of Septem- 
ber ; and by degrees, the same measure was adopted in every 
colony except Georgia. When Governor Gage learned what 
the House of Representatives were doing on this occasion, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 101 

he sent to dissolve them ; but they, with equal alertness, 
being informed of his design, closed their doors. Samuel 
Adams secured the key ; and they finished their proceedings, 
while the proclamation of dissolution was read upon the 
stairs. Every where in assenting to these movements, the live- 
liest sympathy was expressed for the dangers and distresses 
of the devoted people of Boston, and the suffering colony 
of Massachusetts. Pennsylvania, in addition, resolved 'to break 
off all commercial intercourse whatever with every town, 
city, colony, or individual,' which should fail to go thoroughly 
with the cause of liberty. The several assemblies and con- 
ventions of the colonies were instructed by popular meetings, 
and in every form by which the public will could be ex- 
pressed, to go to the last extremity in support of INJassa- 
chusetts. 

The day on which the Port Bill was appointed to go into 
operation was observed, generally, according to the recom- 
mendation of Virginia, as a day of fasting and prayer. Busi- 
ness was arrested, houses were closed, and a deep sorrow 
manifested everywhere, for the sufferings of the patriotic 
Bostonians, and the threatened subversion of colonial liber- 
ties. The character of that atrocious bill cannot be more 
briefly described than it was by Josiah Quincy, in his cele- 
brated essay. We copy the passage as one illustrating the 
common estimation of the act which pervaded the resolutions 
and addresses with which the whole continent abounded. 

"The Boston Port Bill, condemns a whole town unheard, 
nay, uncited to answer; involves thousands in ruin and 
misery, without the suggestion of any crime, by them com- 
mitted ; and it is so constituted, that enormous pains and 
penalties must ensue, notwithstanding the most perfect 
obedience to its injunction. The destruction of the tea, 
which took place without any illegal procedure of the town, is 
the only alleged ground, consigning thousands of its inhabit- 
ants to ruin, misery, and despair. Those charged with the 
most aggravated crimes, are not punishable till arraigned 
before disinterested judges ; heard in their own defence, and 
found guilty of the charge. But here a whole people are 
accused, prosecuted by, they know not whom ; tried, they 
know not where ; proved guilty, they know not how; and 
sentenced to suffer inevitable ruin. Their hard fate cannot 
be avoided by the most servilet^ submission, the most implicit 
obedience to the statute. The first intimation of it was on 

I ^ 



102 HISTORY OF THE 

the lOtli of May, and it took place on the 1st of June ; thence 
to contiaue in full force, till it shall sufficiently appear to his 
majesty, that full satisfaction has been made, &c. So short 
a space is given for staying the torrent of threatened evils, 
that the subject, although exerting his utmost energy, must 
be overwhelmed, and driven to madness, by terms of deh- 
verance,\vlucluleny relief till his ruin is inevitable." 

Tliis description of the effects upon the cit}'^ thus inhumanly 
condemned to ruin, was not exaggerated. The deepest distress 
pervaded all classes. Capital could no longer be used, and labor 
had no more employment. The common necessaries of life were 
hardly withiti the reach of the opulent, and the poor became 
suddenly destitute almost of food. Animated by the spirit 
of libertj', they, however, bore these inflictions with inflex- 
ible constancy. Contributions for their relief soon poured in 
from all parts. Corporate bodies, town -meetings, popular 
assemblages, individual charity and sympathy sent them aid, 
encouragement, and applause. The inhabitants of Marble- 
head tendered the Boston merchants the use of their harbor, 
wharves, warehouses, and their own personal attendance, 
free of charge; and the people of Saletn, whither it had been 
thought that the course of trade would turn, magnanimously 
refused to accept the boon, and concluded a generous remon- 
strance, with the protestation, — " We must be dead to every 
idea of justice, lost to all feelings of humanity, could we 
indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and raise our for- 
tunes on the ruins of our suffering neighbours." 

The evils of the Port Bill extended themselves through- 
out the colony, spreading general distress upon a large and 
populous province, in punishment of an untried offence, 
which amounted, m the worst sense, to an act of trespas.s 
against the property of the East India Company, by some 
unknown offenders. 

One great benefit to the general cause, however, sprung 
out of it, which counterbalanced the partial evils, intensQ a:i 
they were in their effects. The feehngs of all America were 
aroused to a pitch of uncontrollably resentment, and tiie}' 
perceived the futility of expecting any relenting in the 
course of British oppression, unless extorted by the united 
resistance of the colonies. 

Just after the dissolution of the Massachusetts Assembly, 
the two additional acts, for "the better regulating the go- 
vernment of Massachusetts Bay," and for the "impartial 



A>iERICAN REVOLUTION*. 103 

administration of justice ;" reached America, and added 
new fuel to the flame of discontent. Additional force arrived, 
and was quartered in the town ; and Governor Gage pro^ 
ceeded, against the remonstrances and protests of the people 
and authorities of the town, to fortify Boston JYeck, the only 
entrance into the cit}^, since the suspension of all access 
by water, under the infamous Port act. 

On the 5th of September, the first Congress of the united 
colonies met at Philadelphia. A more august assemblage in 
the weight of character of the members, the ex- 
citing causes, and momentous questions which ^^ " 
brought them together, the subsequent distinction acquired 
by the leading men who composed it, — a distinction unsur- 
passed by that of any other names in history, — and in the vast 
consequences to America and to the world, which flowed 
from their wisdom, virtue, and courage, never met before or 
since, in any country or nation. Thirteen colonies were repre- 
sented. Their names, and those of their delegates, follow: 

Massachusetts — Thomas Gushing, James Bowdoin, Robert 
Treat Paine, Samuel Adams, and John Adams. 

New Hampshire — John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Foisom. 

Connecticut — Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, and Silas 
Deane. 

Rhode Island — Stephen Hopkins and Samuel Ward. 

New York — Isaac Low, John Alsop, John Jay, James Du- 
ane, William Floyd, Henry Welsner, and Samuel Bocrura. 

Pennsylvania — John Dickinson, Thomas Mifflin, Joseph 
Galloway, Charles Humphreys, Edward Biddle, John Mor- 
ton, and George Ross. 

New Jersey — James Kinsey, WiUiam Livingston, Stephen 
Crane, and Richard Smith. 

Delaware — Caesar Rodney, Thomas M'Kean, and George 
Read. 

Maryland — Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Johnson, William 
Paca, and Samuel Chase. 

Virginia — Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George 
WaGhington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Har- 
rison, and Edward Pendleton. 

North Carolina — William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, and 
R. Caswell. 

South Carolina — Henry Mlddleton, Thomas Lynch, Chris- 
topher Gadsden, John Rutledge, and Edwai-d Rutledge. 

The Congress organized themselves by the appointment of 



104 HISTORY OF TMfi ** 

Peyton Randolph, of Virginia, as President, and Charle* 
Thompson, of Pennsylvania, Secretary. The leading orators 
were Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, 
and John Adams, of Massachusetts. The business was 
opened by Patrick Henry, who had already acquired a repu- 
tation co-extensive with the continent, for extraordinary 
eloquence, great courage, ability, and energy, and invincible 
patriotism. 

It was settled that each colony should have only one vote 
in determining questions, and committees were appointed 
to state the rights of the colonies, and the wrongs they had 
suffered, by the acts of parliament since 17(»3 : to prepare 
petitions to the king, to the people of Great Biitain, to the 
people of Canada, and to the several colonies. Resolutions, 
which had been adopted by the people of Sufl'ulk county, in 
Massachusetts, remarkable for energy and boldness, were 
taken up at an early day, and unanimously approved. Among 
those resolutions was one recommending all collectors of 
taxes, and other officers having public moneys in their hands, 
to retain the same until the civil government of the province 
should be placed on a " constitutional foundation," or it 
should be otherwise ordered by a " Provincial Congress." 
Congress, among the first of their acts, " tlioroughly" com- 
mended these resolves, as the counsels of "wisdom and for- 
titude." 

On the 8th of October, resolutions were adopted still more 
explicitly commending the course of Massachusetts, and 
pledging the rest of the provinces to adhere to her, through- 
out, in her conflict with "wicked ministers." Two of these 
were in the following terms: 

Resolved, That this Congress do approve of the opposition 
made by the inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay, to the 
execution of the late acts of Parliament; and if the same 
shall be attempted to be carried into execution by force, in 
such case all America ought to support them in their oppo- 
sition. 

Resolved, xmnnimmtsly, That every person or persons who- 
soever, wlio shall take, accept, or act under any commission 
or authority, in any wise derived from the act passed in the 
last session of Parliament, changing the form of government 
and violating the charter of the province of Massachusetts 
Bay, ought to be held in detestation and abhorrence by all good 



AMJIRICAN REVOLUTION. 165 

men, and considered as the wicked tools of that despotism, 
which is preparing to destroy those rights, which God, nature, 
and compact have given to America." 

On the 14th, a declaration of rights was adopted, asserting 
the liberties and privileges of the colonies, by nature, com- 
pact, and under the British constitution ; and reciting the 
several acts of the British parliament, which were considered 
as infringing them. They were those which we have endea- 
vored to trace succinctly in this volume — the acts of 1764-5-6, 
and '7, for imposing duties for revenue, beginning with 
the molasses act, and ending with the tea tax ; for extending 
the power of the admiralty courts, and for suspending the trial 
by jury ; the act of 1772, arising out of the Gaspee affair, 
creating a new criminal offence, and depriving American 
citizens of the right of trial by a jury of the vicinage, and 
making them liable to transportation to any part of Great 
Britain for trial ; and the three acts passed at the preceding 
session (of 1774) ; — the Boston port bill, the bill for altering 
the charter of Massachusetts, and the bill for the administra- 
tion of justice. The Quebec act passed at the same time, 
which was designed to repress the growth of the colonies, by 
extending the limits of Canada, and setting up adverse insti- 
tutions and interests there, was included in the list; as was 
also the act for quartering soldiers in America. A distinct reso- 
lution was passed, that "the keeping of a standing army in 
several of these colonies in time of peace, without the con- 
sent of the legislature of the colony in which such army was 
kept, is against law.'' 

As the most effectual means of enforcing the attention 
of the people of Great Britain to these demands, the Congress 
entered into a general non-importation agreeiTient for them- 
selves and their constituents. By this they bound them- 
selves, and those whom they represented, to cease, after the 
ensuing December, all importations whatsoever from Great . 
Britain or Ireland, directly or indirectly ; all East India tea 
from any part of the world ; most of the productions of the 
West Indian islands, and other numerous articles from places 
through which Great Britain might be benefited. To thi? 
was added an agreement, to take effect instantly, not to use 
any goods upon which duties were claimed, or had been, or 
should be, paid; and a third to export nothing whatever 
to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, after the 10th 
of September, 1775, in case the acts complained of should 



106 rn- HISTORY OF THE 

not be repealed before that date. Efficient measures were 
taken for organizing committees in every county, city, and 
town, to see that this agreement was enforced, by every 
species of popular influence. 

The addresses which accompanied these measures cannot 
be read without the highest admiration of the courage, 
genius, patriotism, and eloquence of the authors. They are 
documents from which to extract is to mutilate, and of which 
no detached fragment can give an adequate idea. They 
should be read and studied by Americans in all generations, 
as models of elevated style, dignity of remonstrance, and lofty, 
purity of principle. When they were brought before the 
British House of Lords, Lord Chatham passed upon them 
this noble eulogium — " For myself, I must declare and 
avow, that in all my reading and observation — and history 
has been my favorite study — I have read Thucydides and 
have studied and admired the master states of the world — 
that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacit}'', and wisdom 
of conclusion, no nation, or body of men, can stand in pre- 
ference to the general congress at Philadelphia." 

The address to the people of Great Britain contained the 
following announcement of the alternatives to which the 
colonies looked. " If you are determined that your minis- 
ters shall wantonly sport with the rights of mankind; if 
neither the voice of justice, the dictates of law, the princi- 
ples of the constitution, nor the suggestions of humanity, can 
restrain your hands from shedding human blood, in such an 
impious cause, we must then tell you that we will never 
submit to be hewers of wood, or drawers of water, for any 
ministry or nation in the world." 

" Place us in the same circumstances in which we were 
at the close of the late war, and our former harmony will be 
restored. 

" But lest the same supineness, and the same inattention 
to our common interest, which you have for several years 
shown, should continue, we think it necessary to anticipate 
the consequences." 

In the address to the "people of the colonies," they 
advise them to be prepared for the ' worst,' and for ' every 
contingency.' 

After a session of eight weeks. Congress dissolved them- 
selves, having previously given it as their opinion, that 
auother Congress should be held on the 10th of the next 



AMERICAN REVaLUTION. J|01f 

May, unless previous redress should have been 
obtained; and recommending to all the colonics ^' ' 
to choose deputies as soon as possible to be prepared ibr 
every event. 

A majority of the members of this Congress believed thjtt 
these measures, especially the non-importation, and nonr 
exportation agreements, would procure them a peaceable 
redress. Patrick Henry was, however, of a different opinion, 
and boldly avowed that force must finally be resorted to 
to defend the rights of America; and prophesied that, with 
the aid of France and Spain, America would finally 
triumph. « 

The legislatures, or their substitutes the provincial con- 
ventions, which had in the mean time sprung into authority, 
very generally, throughout the colonies, approved of these 
proceedings. New York, which had fallen under the influ- 
ence of the Tories, was alone excepted. The people every- 
where sanctioned and obeyed their recommendations with 
as much order as though clothed with all the sanctions of 
regular government. 

The general court of Massachusetts had been convoked 
by Governor Gage, for the 4th of October, and was dissolved by 
})roclamation on the 5th. They met, however, organ- 
ized themselves into a Provincial Convention, and elected 
.fohn Hancock president. After adjournment, in defiance 
of the governor, they met again at Cambridge on the 17th, 
and appointed committees of " Safety," and of " Supplies;" 
the first of which, was to call out the militia of the province 
for its defence. They voted to raise 12,000 militia — enlist 
one-fourth of the militia, to be ready at a moment's warning, 
thence called minute men ; and appointed three general offi- 
cers — Jedediah Preble, Artemas Ward, and Colonel Pome- 
roy. They gave information to the other New England 
colonies, asking their aid, to make up an army of 20,000 
men. They were emboldened to these measures by the 
alacrity with which the people had risen spontaneously, on 
a rumor, circulated in September, that the governor 
had ordered an attack upon Boston, and that the fleet was 
actually bombarding the town. Within two days, 30,000 
volunteers were in arms, on their way to Boston, before it 
was ascertained th.at the rumor was unfounded. 

.Similar preparations were made in other colonies, with a 
like spirit, but less in e.j^ent. 



108 HISTORY OP THE 

In the mean time, a new parliament had met in Great 
Britain. The king's speech was threatening towards 
America, avowing his determination to sustain " the supreme 
authority of the legislature, over all the dominions of the 
crown." The American papers were laid before Parlia- 
ment, in January. Mr. Quincy, of Massachusetts, then in 
^ _ I London, after several interviews with the minis- 
^"^ " " I tiy, became convinced that none other than 
coercive measures would be adopted, and wrote home — " I 
look to my countrymen with the feelings of one who verily 
believes that they must yet seal their faith and constancy to 
their liberties with blood." Events soon confirmed his 
judgment. 

Lord Chatham magnanimously took the lead in opposition 
to the ministers, and moved an address to the king, for the 
removal of the troops from Boston. In one of the fine pas- 
sages with which his speech abounded, he told the ministry: 
" Resistance to your acts was necessary, and therefore Just ; 
and your vain declarations of the omnipotence of Parliament, 
and your imperious doctrines of the necessity of submission, 
will be equally impotent to convince or enslave America." 

" You may, no doubt," said he, " destroy their cities ; you 
may cut them off from the superfluities, perhaps the con- 
veniences of life ; but, my lords, they will still despise your 
power, for they have yet remaining their woods and their 
liberty." 

The motion was lost by a considerable majority, as was 
a subsequent bill which he introduced, with the view of 
settling the general question. 

The petition of Congress was, after debate, refused a 
hearing, as proceeding from an illegal assembly, and on the 
9th of February the Houses joined in an address 
February. ^^ j^.^ majesty, declaring that rebellion actually 
existed in the colony of Massachusetts, requesting him to 
use every means to enforce obedience ; and pledging him 
their support, with their lives and property. The address 
was followed by a ministerial act, which soon passed, 
restraining the trade of the four New England colonies, at 
the most ' obstinate and refractory,' with Great Britain, Ire- 
land, and the British West Indies, and totally prohibiting 
their fisheries. These provisions were afterwards extended 
to all the colonies represented in the Congress, except 
New York and North Carolina. An addition to the king's 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 109 

forces, by sea and land, was demanded ; in the midst of 
which, Lord North unexpectedly brought forth a series of 
propositions for conciliation, induced, probably, by I 
the petitions of the British merchants, upon whom | 
the suspension of trade in America had fallen heavily. 
The scheme was substantially a stipulation, that if the colo- 
nies would consent to tax themselves to the amount required, 
disposable by Parliament, and engage to support, besides, 
their own civil administrations. Parliament would forbear, 
during the time of such agreement, to exercise the taxing 
power, except for the regulation of commerce. Plans of 
conciliation were offered by Mr. Burke, and Mr. Hartley, 
both of which failed, and Lord North's proposition was 
finally adopted by a large vote, against the wishes of some 
of his friends, who were obstinate enough to think it too 
indulgent. Parliament soon after adjourned, and several 
ships of the line, and ten thousand troops, were dispatched 
to aid in repressing the rebelUon apprehended. 

In America, the approaching conflict became daily more 
cA'ident. Boston, as the head-quarters of the army,' wa-s par- 
ticularly exposed to collisions with them ; and in anticipation, 
every exertion was made to procure arms and ammunition. 
Cannon, cannon balls, powder, muskets, and military stores, 
were constantly introduced into the city by every artifice, 
and in every disguise. In New Hampshire, a number of 
armed people seized on the powder in the royal caslle of 
Wilham and Mary. Colonel Leslie, who had been dis- 
patched by Governor Gage, to seize some cannon at Salem, 
was obstructed by the citizens, until the cannon were 
removed beyond his reach, and he returned without succeed- 
ing in his object ; and, in New York, a riotous combat took 
place between the populace and the troops, in which the 
latter were beaten. In Virginia, the convention adopted 
spirited resolutions, for arming and disciplining the militia, 
and procuring the necessary supplies. 

In March, the Massachusetts Congress met at Concord, 
where the committees of ' Safety ' and ' Supplies ' had 
collected a large quantity of stores and ammunition. A 
part of their stores had been seized at Boston Neck ; and in 
April, the Governor, having received intelligence of the 
proceedings of Parliament, made an effort to seize the whole 
stock — an attempt which produced the battle of Concord, 
the first bloodshed of the revolutionary war, where the 

K 



||(| HIS OF THE 

king's troops were openly opposed by the colonists. It is 
the first of a new stage of events, in which resistance by 
arms, against unconstitutional oppression, took the place of 
remonstrances, petitions, and protests ; but still without 
renunciation of allegiance to the British crown. 

A party of men, under the command of Lieutenant Colo- 
nel Smith, and Major Pitcairn, were dispatched, by General 
Aril 19th I Gage, on this expedition. The reported object 
I was the seizure of Samuel Adams and John 
Hancock, whose active labors in the patriotic cause had 
made them peculiarly odious to the British party ; but the 
real object was understood. At Lexington, on the road, 
they found a party of about seventy militia, commanded by 
Captain Parker, on parade, with a number of spectators 
of the village, on the green. Notwithstanding the precau- 
tions of the British officers to prevent the spread of the 
intelligence, the march of the troops had been made known 
by expresses, signal guns, and the ringing of church bells. 

They reached Lexington about five o'clock in the morn- 
ing, when Major Pitcairn, seeing the militia gathered, rode 
up. With drawn sword, calling out — "Disperse, ye rebels ; 
throw down your arms and disperse." They hesitated, upon 
which he discharged his pistol, and ordered his corps, the 
advanced guard of the detachment, to fire. They gave a 
general discharge, by which eight Americans were killed, 
and several wounded. The rest dispersed ; but the soldiery 
kept up their fire, when some of the militia returned it. 

Thence the party proceeded to Concord ; and the militia, 
who had assembled there, being too few to oppose them, 
retired. A great part of the stores had been removed, and the 
detachment executed their orders by destroying what remain- 
ed, including a number of barrels of flour. The militia had, in 
themean time reassembled; andonamovemcntmade by them 
with ajjparcnt design to cross the bridge, into the town, then 
in possession of the British, they were fired on, and two Ame- 
ricans killed. The fire was promptly returned, and the troops 
repulsed, with loss of several kUled, wounded, and prisoners. 
The whole country was up in arms instantly, and the British 
forces, on commencing their retreat, found themselves 
attacked on every side, by straggling shooters, and parties 
of volunteers. Every wall, fence, house, and tree,, contri- 
buted to shelter some exasperated New Englander; and a 
perpetual fire was kept up in this manner, until the 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 



iii 



detachment reached Lexington. A reinforcement, headed 
by Lord Percy, amounting to nine hundred men, with two 
pieces of artillery, there met them, and the united forces 
moved rapidly towards Boston, harassed by the provincial 
fire, and committing devastation along their route ; burning 
houses, shooting unarmed countrymen, and destroying stock. 
After a march of forty miles they encamped at Bunker Hill, 
for the night, under the protection of the men-of-war, and 
the next day passed over to Boston. In these actions, the 
loss of the British was two hundred and ninety-three ; and 
of the provincials, only ninety-three. 

The results were of the greatest moment. The blow had 
been struck, by which open war was commenced, under cir- 
cumstances that roused the universal indignation of the Ame- 
ricans, while the issue invigorated their spirits. They had 
rallied in great numbers at the signal of strife, and driven in 
the regulars with loss, after baffling the object of their expe- 
dition. Wherever the tidings of the battle were carried, 
enthusiasm rose, addresses, pledges, congratulations, and 
triumph, overpowered all apprehensions of the consequences, 
and the whole continent was animated with one spirit of 
determination. 

The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts took instant 
measures, both to arm the province for defence, and to 
justify the conduct of the militia, to the authorities of Great 
Britain. They dispatched to England an account of the 
battle of Lexington, with depositions to prove the aggres- 
sions committed by the troops. With it they sent an 
address to the people of Great Britain, which, after assuring 
them of continued loyalty to the king, avowed a determina- 
tion "not tamely to submit to the persecution and tyranny 
of his evil ministr}^" They added, emphatically — " Appeal- 
ing to heaven for the justice of our cause, we determine to 
die or be free." Dr. Franklin was the agent sent to 
Great Britain. The House proceeded to put the colony in 
a state of defence. They resolved to raise an army of 
thirteen thousand men, and requested the neighboring colo- 
nies to make the amount up to thirty thousand. They 
directed the treasurer to borrow ^£100, 000 for the use of the 
province, and declared the citizens absolved from their obli- 
gations of obedience to Governor Gage. 

Volunteers offered themselves in such numbers, that they 
could not be received for want of means to subsist th.em^' 



]^H|B HISTORT OF THE - ■ . 

and in a short time, the king's forces, amounting to nearly 
ten thousand men, were hemmed in by a superior force of 
provincials. General Ward was appointed commander-in- 
chief, and Heath, Prescott, Thomas, and Putnam, generals. 
Putnam was at his plough when the account of the battle 
was brought him ; and without finishing the furrow^ or re- 
entering his house, put himself at the head of a party of his 
neighbors, and started for the army. Arnold,, subsequently 
so infamous in his treachery, was among the first to reach 
Boston, having raised a company in New Haven, and forced 
a march to the spot of action within ten days after the fight 
at Lexington. 

The example of Gage, in endeavoring to seize the colo- 
nial stores, was improved by the Americans, in numerous 
places. The New Jersey people seized upon the royal 
treasury ; and the people of Baltimore and Charleston 
possessed themselves of the stands of arms belonging to the 
troops. At Williamsburg, in Virginia, Governor Dunmore 
had seized upon a quantity of powder in the magazine ; and 
when the return was demanded, gave evasive answers. 
Patrick Henry, not trusting to his faith, summoned the 
people to arms ; and, at the head of five thousand volunteers, 
extorted payment from his excellency, and was in return, 
proclaimed as an outlaw — an idle ceremony which only 
made the governor's weakness more conspicuous. 

A party of Connecticut and New Hampshire mihtia 
promptly formed the plan of seizing the important fortresses 
of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. They were commanded 
by Colonels Ethan Allen, and Benedict Arnold. By forced 
marches they surprised Ticonderoga ; and tlie two officers 
entering abreast, at day-break, demanded of the astonished 
commander the surrender of the fort. " By whose autho- 
rity?' demanded he. "In the name of the great Jehovah, 
and of the Continental Congress," was the prompt answer of 
Allen, and the fort was surrendered unconditionally. Crown 
Point was also secured without the loss of a man. 

Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton, arrived in Bos- 
ton, from England, with reinforcements, in the latter part 
of May ; and General Gage, emboldened by their aid, pro- 
I claimed martial law throughout the province, and 
*^*^' I issued a proclamation, offering free pardon to all 
who should lay down their arms, and return to the duties 
of peacable subjects, except Samuel Adams and John 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. US 

Hancock, " whose offences are of too flagitious a nature to 
admit of any other consideration than that of condign punish- 
ment." This proclamation only strengthened the union of 
the colonists, and elevated these proscribed patriots to a 
higher position in the confidence of their countrymen. The 
proudest peer in Europe might exult in a patent for ances- 
tral honors, so honorable in the eyes of posterity as this tes- 
timony from the enemy, of the unflinching public virtue of 
Hancock and Adams. 

Adams, in particular, was the object of special dread to the 
adherents of Great Britain. "This man," said Mr. Gallo- 
wa)', one of the Tories, who joined the enemy and Avent to 
Britain, and afterwards published a work there: — "this 
man eats little, drinks little, sleeps little, thinks much, and 
is most indefatigable in the pursuit of his object. It was he 
who, by superior application, managed at onCe the factions 
in Congress at Philadelphia, and the factions in }^ew Eng- 
land.'' 

When Governor Hutchinson, in the beginning of these 
.disturbances, was asked why he did not quiet Adams by the 
use of hispatronage, he answered — "Such is the obstinacy and 
inflexible disposition of this man, that he never can be con- 
ciliated by any oflices or gift whatever." Under Governor 
Gage, the attempt was reneAved through a certain Colonel 
Fenton, just after the military occupation of Boston, to 
detach him from the American cause, by large offers, and 
with apparently friendly solicitation and advice to reconcile 
himself to the king. His answer is a noble specimen of 
revolutionary patriotism and intrepidity. " I trust I have 
long since made my peace with the King of kings. No 
personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the 
righteous cause of my country. Tell Governor Gage, it is 
the advice of Samuel Adams to him, no longer to insult the 
feelings of an exasperated people." 

In the mean time the general Congress had met at 
Philadelphia, on the 10th of May. The members were, 
with few exceptions, the same as in the first Congress; 
but under the exigencies of the times, they had been, by 
the instructions of their constituents, invested with larger 
powers, and thej' soon assumed, without any express direc- 
tion, but with full consent of the people, most of the 
attributes of delegated sovereignty. On the exception of 
John Hancock, by Governor Gage, out of his proclamaticm 
K 3 



114 HISTORY OF THE 

of amnesty, the Congress manifested their disregard of the 
menace, and their confidence in the man, by electing him 
president, in the place of Mr. Randolph, who was called 
home on business. 

The Congress opened its labors by proposing and sending 
addresses and appeals to the king and people of Great 
Britain, and then proceeded to prepare for every alterna- 
tive, by organizing the defence of the colonies. They voted 
to raise an army of twenty thousand men — appointed the 
general officers, and emitted bills of credit to the amount of 
three millions of dollars, pledging the twelve united colo- 
MES, Georgia not having yet joined the confederation, for the 
redemption of the debt. On the 5th of June, on motion of 
Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, George Washington was 
unanimously appointed commander-in-chief, and accepted 
the appointment in the following address, marked with that 
unaifected modesty, which clothed with such a gentle grace, 
his great qualities and unrivalled virtues. 

" Though J am truly sensible of the high honor done me 
in this appointment, yet I feel great distress, from a consci- 
ousness, that my abilities and military experience may not 
be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as 
the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous 
duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and 
for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept 
my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of 
their approbation. But, lest some unlucky event should 
happen unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be 
remembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this 
day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself 
equal to the command I am honored Avith. I beg leave, Sir, 
to assure the Congress, that as no pecuniary consideration 
could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, 
at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not 
wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact 
account of my expenses — those, I doubt not, they will dis- 
charge, and that is all I desire." 

At the same time, Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, Phihp 
Schuyler, and Israel' Pufham, were appointed majors-gene^ 
ral ; and Horatio Gates, adjutant-general- 

Two days afterwards, in another quarter, was fought the 
memorable battle of Bunker Hill; a battle, the memory of 
which is dear to the hearts of Americans, as one of the first 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. " 115 

and most glorious among those early conflicts in which the 
strength of a young and untried people, struggling for liberty, 
was measured with the veteran and disciplined forces of a 
gigantic and insolent oppressor. 

The arrival of the I3ritish generals, Howe, Clinton, and 
Burgoyne, led the Americans, at Boston, to believe that 
strong offensive demonstrations would soon be made against 
them. In order to command the access to the city, they 
determined to make entrenchments, and station a force upon 
Bunker Hill, a large eminence, just at the entrance of the 
peninsula of Charlestown, and so situated as to command the 
entrance to both rivers. On the night of the 16th of June, 
a detachment of a thousand men, under Major Prescott, and 
accompanied by General Putnam, was dispatched to occupy 
the hill, and throw up the necessary works. By some 
error, Breed's Hill, another eminence nearer the town, and 
overlooking it within cannon shot, was marked out, and the 
provincials labored with such silence and diligence, that by 
dawn of day, to the astonishment of the British fleet, which 
lay in sight, they had thrown up a redoubt nearly eight rods 
square. They continued to labor at it, notwithstanding an 
incessant fire from the ships of war, and a battery of six 
guns, on Copp's Hill, until they had erected a breast-work 
from the redoubt to the bottom of the Hill, towards the 
Mystic. Without stopping to return a single gun, and with- 
out being relieved by the American army, they persevered, 
under a murderous discharge from the sea and from the hill, 
until their defences were completed. In the course of the 
day, they were reinforced by a detachment of five hundred 
men, under Stark, Warren, and Pomeroy, and orders were 
given to extend the works, so as to protect the flank, on the 
side of the Mystic river; which was done by running two 
parallel lines of rail fences, filling the intervals with hay. 

Orders were given, by the British general, to drive them 
from this position, and Generals Howe and Pigot, with a 
force of infantry and CTenadiers, amounting: to Mree [ 

• • I June 17 

ihoitsand men, with a powerful park of artillery, [ 

advanced in two lines — the former to attack the flank, and 

the latter the redoubt in fix>nt. The attack was begun by a 

heavy cannonading, and the troops marched slowly io 

observe its effects. At the same time, the barbarous order 

was given to set fire to Charlestown, containing four hundred 

houses, which was quickly in flanges ; and thus a small force 



tie 



HISTORY OP THE 



of young and untrained soldiers were waiting, under the 
fire of a tremendous battery of guns, illuminated by the 
glare of a burning village, the approach of a veteran force 
of double their number. Their coolness v.as admirable. 
The order of Putnam, not to fire till they could distin- 
guish the whites of the eyes of the advancing force, v.as scru- 
pulously obeyed : and the enemy were periiiitted to approach 
within about sixty yards, when a deadly iire of small arms 
was opened upon them with such effect, that whole ranks 
were mowed down ; and the line, wavering for a moment, 
oroke and gave Avay, falling precipitately back to the land- 
ing place. They rallied, and again advanced, and were 
again beaten back by the same destructive and incessant 
stream of fire. General Clinton, who had come to the aid 
of his brother generals, rallied them again, and led them a 
third time to the charge, which at length proved successful. 
Powder began to fail in the redoubt, and the cannon from 
the fleet had taken a position which raked it through and 
through. Under the fire from ships, batteries, and field 
artillery, and attacked by a superior force on three sides at 
once, at the point of the bayonet, and without bayonets or 
powder themselves, the provincials slowly evacuated the 
fort, not without obstinate resistance, some of them persist- 
ing to fight with the butts of their guns. 

The attempt to take the position in flank, was met in the 
same way, and with the same undaunted spirit. The Ame- 
ricans maintained their position, under every disadvantage, 
covering the retreat of the main bod)^ and then made their 
own retreat over Charlestown Neck, with inconsiderable 
loss, though exposed to the fire of the Glasgow man-of-war, 
and several floating batteries. The Americans entrenched 
themselves on Prospect Hill, a few miles farther on the way 
<o Cambridge, and still maintained their command of the 
entrance to Boston. 

The British loss was one thousand and fifty-four — the 
Americans, four hundred andliftv-three. Among these, was the 
lamented .Joseph Warren, who had been one of the earliest, 
ablest, most zealous, and energetic friends of liberty, and 
whose virtues and talents had given him the highest rank as 
a patriot in the estimation of his countrymen. Every honor 
which affectionate gratitude and regret could devise was 
paid to his memory. 

The general result of the battle, in a military point o^ 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. "117 

view, was disastrous to the British forces, v. The contiaental 
troops were inspirited by the proofs of courage, and capacity 
to cope with the regulars, which had been shown by a raw 
and undisciplined militia, and drew up a line of force, which 
completely hemmed the British army within the town of 
Boston. On the 3d of July, General Washington arrived at 
Cambridge from Philadelphia, to take command. On his 
way, he had been received everywhere with honors and 
congratulations, to which he gave replies, expressing his 
earnest desire to bring the controversy with Great Britain 
to a speedy and amicable conclusion. 

The force which he found amounted to about fourteen 
thousand men, which was soon after augmented to about 
fifteen thousand five hundred, by the arrival of some rifle 
regiments from the south. They were re-arranged, and 
divided into three commands ; the right under General 
Ward, at Roxbury ; the left under General Lee, at Prospect 
Hill ; and the centre at Cambridge, under the commander- 
in-chief. The lines of communication by posts extended 
over a space of more than ten miles, and parties were sta- 
tioned in small towns in the neighborhood. Commissions, 
granted by Congress, to eight brigadiers, were issued. They 
were Pomeroy, Heath, and John Thomas, of Massachusetts ; 
Montgomer}'-, of New York ; Wooster and Spencer, of Con- 
necticut ; Sullivan, of New Hampshire ; and Greene, of 
Rhode Island. 

The ariuy thus organized, had little else to rely upon for 
success than the enthusiasm which brought them together. 
The task of bringing them into the forms of discipline was 
one of great difficulty, and occupied the whole time and 
anxious attention of the commander-in-chief. Their zeal, 
and independence of habits, rendered t?Jiem better fitted to 
partizan expeditions, requiring gallantr}^ and enterprise, 
than to the orderly and obedient duties of regular forces, 
engaged in one common object, under a single commander. 
They were, moreover insufficiently armed, ahd without 
the necessary tools and experience to erect properly the 
necessary fortifications. Their powder.-was very deficient 
in quantit}^ — so much so, that at one time there was not 
enough in the whole camp to have enabled them to repel 
an assault. This immediate want was soon supplied by a 
quantity sent from Elizabethtown, in New Jersey. Add to 
these embarrassments the total want of preparation, both 



116 HISTORY OF THE 

with regard to. money, provisions, and clothing, and the 
Qndefined and conflicting nature of the powers exercised 
under colonial authority, and by the direction of Congress, 
and it will readily be seen that the position of the cora- 
mander-in-chiof, as well as that of his army, was by no 
means encouraging. When the heat of immediate ex- 
citement passed off, and all the privations and ditficulties 
growing out of these deficiencies pressed upon thera fully; 
the effects were, for a while, dispiriting, particularly as they 
had looked for a short campaign, and a speedy settlement 
of the controversy. For a season, however, keen resent- 
ment, and a resolute determination to expel the British 
army from the province, kept these raw, undisciplined, and 
unprovided soldiers together, so strongly, as to overawe the 
forces of General Gage. Those forces amounted to about 
eight thousand men ; which, with the aid of the shipping, 
might be concentred at any point of the American lines. 
The attempt, however, was not made; and, during the 
autumn, the blockading forces continued to make approaches 
nearer to the British line. Arms and ammunition were 
provided, with great industry and perseverance, and voy- 
ages, made for that purpose, with great success, even to the 
coast of Africa. Privateers were commissioned, and Cap- 
tain Manly, the first naval officer created by Congress, in the 
privateer Lee, captured a British ordnance ship, laden with 
military stores, singularly adapted to the precise wants of 
the American army. Other ships similarly laden, soon 
after fell into the hands of the colonial privateers. 

Following the advice of Congress, the colonies had 
assumed a practical independence of British authority, and 
either formed provisional conventions for administering 
their political affairs ; or, as in the cases of Connecticut and 
Rhode Island, acted on the same principles under their 
ancient forms and charters. 

Everywhere the tidings of the battles of Lexington and 
Bunker Hill, stirred up a like determination to resist and 
annoy where they could not expel the British authorities.-*- 
The militia were eproUcd and armed in Maryland, Virginia, 
and the two Carolinas. In July, Georgia had finally acceded 
to the confederation, which then took the name of " the 
Thirteen United Colonies," and resistance became populai 
there. The south proper, sent several companies of riflemen, 
at once, to the army at Boston, and Pennsylvania and New 



americHn revolution. DI^ 

Jersey contributed numerous recruits. In New York, a 
party of patriots seized and carried away the cannon I'rom 
the battery, notwithstanding repeated broadsides fired upon 
them by the ^sia, a seventy-four gun ship, and soon after 
broke into the printing-otRce of the notorious tory newspa- 
per, published by Rivington, and destroyed the press. A vo- 
lunteer party of twelve men fitted out a vessel from Charles- 
ton, South Carolina, to obtain a supply of powder, and near 
St. Augustine, in Florida, met with a British vessel, 
manned by twelve grenadiers, which they captured, and 
found in it fifteen thousand pounds of powder, which they 
landed safely at Beaufort. In Virginia, such were the mani- 
festations of public excitement, that the governor, Lord 
Dunmore, took refuge, with his family, on board the Fowey 
man-of-war, near Yorktown. He summoned the House of 
Burgesses to attend him there ; but instead of obeying, they 
considered his movements as an abdication of the govern- 
ment, appointed committees of safety, made ordinances for 
regulating the militia, raised a force of two regiments, and 
appointed Patrick Henry commander-in-chief. A predatory 
warfare was thereupon commenced by Lord Dunmore, with 
the ships and boats under his command, along the James 
and York rivers. In one of these, a tender of the Otter 
sloop-of-war was burned by the provincials, in revenge for 
which Lord Dunmore proclaimed martial law, and declared 
all the slaves who should join his majesty's standard to be 
free. Collecting a force of regulars, and runaway slaves, to 
the number of about seven hundred, he ordered an attempt 
to surprise the Virginia forces, collected for defence, at 
Great Bridge, under the command of Colonel Woodford. 
The governor's party was routed in the conflict, and hastily 
retired to their shipping. At the close of the year. Lord 
Dunmore finished his barbarous career there by burning the 
town of Norfolk. The people of Delaware sunk Chevaux de 
Prize, in their river, to obstruct the approach of an enemy, g 

At Gloucester, in New England, the militia seized upon 
three boats and their crews, belonging to the Falcon sloop- 
of-war, which had been sent out to capture an American 
schooner. The town was bombarded, in retaliation, by the 
frigate, and in company with another frigate, the Rose, and 
two armed schooners, she ravaged the whole coast, cannon- 
ading unprotected villages, and wantonly destroying the 
houses and property of the inhabitants. Bristol, in Rhode 



m HISTORY OF VhG 

Island, and Falmouth, (now Portland) in Maine, were 
totally burnt. 

Thus, in a few weeks after the battle of Bunker Hill, the 
resentments, upon both sides, had broken out into open 
hostilities ; war, in fact, existed in most of the colonies, and 
blood had been shed in many conflicts. The design of 
complete independence was, however, not yet avowed in 
any place of authority or influence. Public meetings, and 
provincial conventions, congresses and committees, continued 
to profess attachment to the British constitution, and deny 
all intention of dissolving their political connexion with 
Great Britain. They avowed only a desire to be restored 
to the same state, in regard to the mother country, in which 
they Ave re before the year 1763. The people of IMecklen- 
burg county, in North Carolina, were a remarkable excep- 
tion to this general accordance on a topic which could not, 
even at that day, have been absent from the thoughts of 
many of the public men in the colonies. Delegates from 
the militia companies in that county met in May, 1775, 
before the battle of Bunker Hill ; and after reciting the 
'inhuman' shedding of 'innocent blood' of American 
patriots at Lexington, voted to absolve themselves from all 
alleo-iance to the British crown, and 'abjure all political 
connexion, contract, or association with a nation which had 
wantonly trampled on their rights and liberties.' The fol- 
lowing was the concluding resolution : 

Resolved, That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and 
independent people, are and of right ought to be a sovereign 
and self-governing association, under the control of no power 
other than that of God and the General Congress ; to the 
maintenance of which independence we solemnly pledge 
to each other, our mutual co-operation, our lives, our for- 
tunes, and our most sacred honor. 

This bold declaration met with no general response at that 
period, and the people generally, while they were deter- 
mined to resist, by arms, the execution of the tyrannical 
acts, looked forward to a final repeal of them by the British 
parliament, and a disavowal of the power. 

These were popular movements, and occurred at different 
periods, within the summer and autumn of 1775. The 
Continental Congress, in the mean time, was efficiently 
engaged, in endeavoring to combine the forces and senti- 
ments of all into a united resistance to Great Britain in the 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 121 

execution of her acts, and a united effort to get them recalled. 
In addition to the peaceful measures already mentioned,: 
they resolved that "exportation to all parts of British 
America which had not adopted their association, should 
immediately cease ;" that "no bill of exchange, draught, 
or order," of any British officer should be received or nego- 
tiated, no money supplied them, and no vessel be permitted 
to carry any military stores for British use, to any part of 
North America. 

These resolutions were retaliatory for the British acts 
restraining American trade. 

They established a General Post Office Department, and 
appointed Dr. Franklin postmaster-general, an office which 
he had held under the crown. 

Finally, on the 6th of July they adopted a de- j 
claration, setting forth, in the form of a manifesto, ( ">'"■'■ 
the causes of their taking up arms, the extent of their 
demands, their own injuries, and the tyrannical and uncon- 
stitutional methods taken by the ministry to reduce them to 
obedience. It was a paper drawn up with signal modera- 
tion, firmness, and ability. After giving a historical account 
of the successive pretensions set up by the parliament to 
supremacy over the colonies, after the peace of 1763, the 
declaration alleges — " Parliament, assuming a new power 
over them, have in the course of eleven years, given such 
decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending 
this power, as to leave no doubts concerning the effects of 
acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and 
grant our money without our consent, though we have ever 
exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property .- 
Statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of 
Courts of Admiralty and Vice-Admiralty beyond their 
ancient limits, for depriving us of the accustomed and ines- 
timable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life 
and property ; for suspending the legislature of one of the 
colonies ; for interdicting all commerce of another; and for 
altering fundamentally the form of government established 
by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature, 
solemnly confirmed by the crown ; for exempting the ' mur- 
derers ' of colonists from legal trial, and in effect, from 
punishment ; for erecting in a neighboring province, acquired 
by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism 
dangerous to our very existence ; and for quartering soldiers 

Li 



HISTORY OF THE 

upon the colonists in times of profound peace. It has also 
been resolved in parliament, that colonists, charged with 
committing certain offences, shall be transported to England 
to be tried. 

"But should we enumerate our injuries in detail? — By 
one statute it is declared that parliament can ' of right make 
laws to bind us in all cases whatever.' — What is to defend 
us against so enormous, so unlimited a power r" 

The declaration next recounts the fruitless petitions, 
appeals, and remonstrances of the colonies, the inhuman 
ouirages, and slaughte-rs committed on the inhabitants of 
Massachusetts, under the orders of Governor Gage, by the 
royal forces, his proclamation of martial law, the burning of 
Charlestown, &c., and concludes thus : — 

" We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an uncon- 
ditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or 
resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have 
counted the cost of this contesf, and find nothing so dreadful 
as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice, and humanity forbid 
us tamely to surrender that freedom, which Ave received from 
our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have 
a right to receive from us. Wc cannot endure the infamy 
and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretch- 
edness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail 
hereditary bondage upon them. 

" Our cause is just: our union is perfect: our iuternal 
resources are great, and if necessary, foreign assistance is 
undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully acknowledge, as 
signal instances of the divine favor tovv'ards us, that his pro- 
vidence would not permit us to be called into this severe con- 
troversy, until we Avere grown up into our present strength, 
had been previously exercised in warlike operations, and 
possessed the means of defending ourselves. W^ith hearts 
fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly 
before God and the world declare, that, exerting the utmost 
energy of those powers Avhich our beneficent Creator has 
graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we have been com- 
pelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of 
every hazard, with unabated firmness and perseverance, 
employ for the preservation of our liberties, being with one 
mind resolved to die freemen rather than live like slaves. 

"Lest this declai-ation should disquiet the minds of our 
friends and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we 



\ 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 15J3 

assure them, that we mean not to dissolve the union, which 

has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which 
we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity has not yet 
driven us into that desperate measure, or induced to excite 
any other nation to war against them. We have not raised 
armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great 
Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not 
for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the 
remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked 
enemies, without any imputation or suspicion of offence. 
They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet 
proffer no milder condition than servitude or death. 

" In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that 
is our birth-right, and which Ave ever enjoyed until the 
late violation of it, for the protection of our property, acquired 
solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and our- 
selves ; against violence actually offered, we have taken up 
arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease 
on the part of our aggressors, and all danger of their being 
renewed shall be removed, and not before. 

" With an humble confidence in the mercies of the 
supreme and impartial Ruler of the universe, we most 
devoutly implore his divine goodness to conduct us happily 
through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to 
reconciliation on reason'able terms, and thereby to relieve 
the empire from the calamities of civil war." 

The proposition of Lord North, for conciliation, was taken 
into consideration, and rejected with great unanimity, as 
illusory in all its promises, and " altogether unsatisfactory ;" 
because it proposed only a " suspension of the mode, not a 
renunciation of the pretended right to tax;" because it did 
" not repeal the several acts of parliament for restraining 
the trade and altering the form of government of one of 
the colonies;" and because it did not explicitly "renounce" 
the power of suspending the colonial legislatures, and that 
of legislating " in all cases whatever." The Committee, 
consisting of Dr. Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, 
and Richard Henry Lee, concluded their report by invoking 
the reflection of the whole world, upon the cruel and deceit- 
ful character of the British plan. " When," say they, " these 
things are laid together and attentively considered, can the 
world be deceived into an opinion, that we are unreasonable, 
or can it hesitate to believe us that nothing but our own 



fISH HISTORY OF THE 

exertions may defeat the ministerial sentence of death, or 
abject submission ?" 

A second petition to the king, and addresses to the inhabit- 
ants of Great Britain, to the Irish people, and to the au- 
thorities of Jamaica, were also adopted. Addresses were also 
made to the Indians. Congress then adjourned to meet 
again in September. 

The petition to the king was intrusted to the care of Mr. 
Penn and Arthur Lee, who presented it to Lord Dartmouth 
on the 1st of September. After a few days delay, they were 
coldly informed that no answer would be given; an insulting 
treatment of the humble remonstrances of United America, 
which served to convince the most timid of the necessity 
of persevering in their preparations to decide the controversy 
by arms, if they would not submit to unlimited tyranny. 

Congress re-assembled in September, and a few weeks 
afterwards, General Gage sailed for England, leaving the com- 
mand of the British forces to General Howe. 

More and more vigorous measures were constantly re- 
quired, till by degrees Congress were compelled to assume 
all the functions of a regular government, which were, in 
general, acquiesced in from tlie necessity of the case, or 
by express enactment of the several provincial conventions 
acting in behalf of the individual colonies. It was found 
necessary to take strong measures against domestic enemies, 
and Congress authorized the arrest of such persons " going 
at large, who might endanger the safety of the colonies, or 
the liberties of America." They determined to carry on their 
own deliberations in secret, denouncing expulsion, with the 
stigma of being an enemy to the liberties of America, upon 
every person who should violate the order. 

The main army of the Americans continued to blockade 
the royal forces in the town of Boston. Congress had, how- 
ever, unfortunately adopted the plan of short enlistments; 
and a few months of inactivity in camp, under circumstan- 
ces of want and comparative privation, had diminished the 
military ardor of new levies. A task of great difficulty was 
before the new commander-in-chief. His appeals, address- 
es, remonstrances, and invocations, addressed to the interests, 
feelings, and patriotism of Congress, were earnest and unre- 
mitting. 

Few of those whose time had already expired had re'- 
^nlisted in October, and the term of none extended beyond 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 125 

the 1st of January following. Congress made liberal offers, 
and General Washington summoned the neighbouring colonies 
to send their militia to the aid of the general cause, which 
requisitions were complied with readily. The new troops 
arrived in considerable numbers, and the army "^'as gradu- 
ally re-modelled ; but not to any efficient extent, until the 
month of February 1776. With all these efforts, on the 
last day of December, the whole force enlisted did not 
amount to ten thousand men. The lines were sometimes in 
a state almost defenceless, but fortunately no attack was 
made upon them by the enemy. No sufficient reason has 
been assigned for this neglect of General Howe, which was 
of the highest importance to the American cause. "It is 
not," said General Washington in his communications to 
Congress, " in the page of history to furnish a case like ours. 
To maintain a post, within niusket-shot of the enemy for 
six months together, without ammunition, and at the same 
time disband one army and recruit another, within that dis- 
tance of twenty odd British regiments, is more, probably, 
than ever was attempted," ■ 

The policy of short enlistments, which produced so much 
difficulty here, and was the occasion of infinite mischief 
during the whole war, was partly forced upon Congress by 
necessity, and partly the result of a jealous dread of the 
expense and danger of a permanent standing army. They 
did not at first calculate upon a protracted contest, and were 
destitute of means for future payments; and a confidence 
was entertained that draughts upon the militia would be 
readily answered, to any extent required for the defence of 
colonial liberty. How frequently these calculations were 
disappointed, will be seen in the subsequent events of the war. 

Such as we have described, was, at the end of the year, 
the condition of affairs in Massachusetts, and especially in 
the neighbourhood of Boston. General Washington was em- 
jiloyed with indefatigable industry in keeping his forces to- 
gether and bringing them into a state of discipline and 
preparation, in order to make a successful attack upon the town. 
General Howe with the English troops, was cooped up within 
the town ; and by the activity of the American cruisers, au- 
thorized by Congress, his supplies, as well of subsistence as 
of military stores, were diminished until his situation became 
one of great difficulty. Neither army felt the disposition, 
nor made any demonstration, towards an attack upon the other. 
L 3 



136 HISTORY OP THE 

Connected with these operations of the main army was 
the expedition against Canada, ordered by Congress in 
September. It was a bold step of hostility against the mother 
country, which Avas considered at the time, by some of the 
fast friend:* of American rights, to be a depaituie from the 
legitimate ohjects for which they had taken up arms, and 
an aggression upon the territories of Great Britain, not war^ 
ranted by the state of the controversy. The defence of the 
measure is, the universal conviction, that General Carlelon, 
who commanded in Canada, was instructed by the British 
government, and provided with ample means, to prepare an 
expedition to co-operate with the forces of General Howe, in 
subduing the colonies. Tiiey were informed that munitions 
of war, money, and troops, v*eve to be concentrated there for 
an invasion of the Anglo-American colonies ; and they knew 
that large and unusual powers had been conferred upon the 
new governor. His talents and popularity were great, and 
they had reason to fear his influence in reconciling the Ca- 
nadians to the measures of the British government, with 
some of which they had been discontented, as well as to dread 
the military strength he could bring against them. The cap- 
ture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, alread}^ mentioned, 
opened the way for an expedition ; and Colonel Arnold, who, 
with'Coionel Ethan Allen, had seized upon those posts, was 
earnest in pressing upon Congress the policy of invading 
Canada. They finally acquiesced ; and late in the season 
two detachments were dispatched on this duty, one under 
the command of Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, by 
the customary' route through Lake Champlain, to the St. 
Lawrence, and the other under Colonel Arnold b}-^ (he river 
Kennebec in Maine, and by forced marches through the 
wilderness. 

The first detachment, consistingof a body of New England 
troops, about 1100 in number, arrived at Ticonderoga, and 
proceeded down the lake, early in September. General 
Schuyler, who had been left at Albany, to negotiate with the 
Mohawk Indians, in order to secure the rear of the march, 
joined them at Cape la Motte. From that place they moved 
to the Isle aux Noix, from which place they issued a proc- 
I lamation to tlie Canadians, and soon after efTect- 

^ ' ■ I ed a landing at St. John's, the first British post, 
115 miles North of Ticonderoga. After a slight skirmish 
with the Indians, the fojt was found toa strong for assault, 



A^t^RICAN REVOLUTION. 127 

and it was resolved in a council of war, fo retreat twelve 
miles to the Me aux J\''ois, erect fortifications and sink 
chevaux-de-frise, to interrupt the navigation of the river 
Sorel in which the fort was situated, and to prevent the com- 
munication with the shipping which Governor Carleton had 
prepared. General Schuyler soon after returned to Albany, 
and General Montgomery was left in the sole command, to 
prosecute the siege of the fort. This was much retarded 
from want of ammunition. By the reduction of Fort Cham- 
bly, at a distaz:ice of six miles from St. Johns, he obtained a 
large supply of powder, and Governor Carleton, being repuls- 
ed in his attempts to cross the river to relieve the fort, it 
surrendered on the 3d of November. During this siege. 
Col. Ethan Allen, with extraordinary rashness, and in diso- 
bedience of orders, forced ;/is way to Montreal, with only 
eighty men, was surroun .'i?d, defeated, captured, and sent to 
England in irons. 

After the reduction of St. Johns, the American forces 
occupied and fortified the mouth of the Sorel, and advanced 
rapidly on Montreal. The British forces, incapable of defend- 
ing the town, repaired on board the shipping, and endea- 
voured to escape down the river. They were stopped and 
captured at the point of the Sorel, and General Prescott, and 
many other officers and eleven sail of vessels, with ammu- 
nition, provisions, &c. fell into the hands of the victors. 
Montreal was soon occupied by General Montgomery, whose 

conduct on the occasion was distinguished by the ^ 

"^ Nov n 

utmost dignity, courtesy and humanity. Grovernor 

Carleton escaped in a boat, by an unfrequented way through 
Trois Rivieres, and arrived in Quebec. Montgomery, after 
leaving some troops to keep possession of Montreal, pushed 
on to Quebec, before which he arrived on the 1st of December. 
The other detachment, under the command of Colonel 
Arnold, consisting originally of about twelve hundred men, 
had, with amazing difficulty and the severest toils and hard- 
ships, penetrated through the province of Maine, a distance 
o£ Jive hundred miles, by a route totally unexplored before, 
through a forest wilderness. Part of the troops turned back, 
discouraged hy the want of provisions, and those who con- 
tinued, to the number of seven hundred, encountered terri-^ 
ble fatigues and privations, being reduced to eat their shoes 
and baggage-leather. On the eighth of November, they 
arrived on the River St. Lawrence, opposite to Quebec, ta 



ISfi. HISTORY QT TH2 

the great dismay of the citizens, to whom the sight of an 
enemy in that direction was totally unexpected. Arnold, 
by reason of the treachery of his scouts, was disappointed 
in the means of crossing the uver, and thus lost all the ad- 
vantages of the panic which his fi^t arrival had created. 
The presence of Governor Carleton re-assured the inhabit- 
ants, and solid preparations for defence were made, which 
it was not in the power of the invaders to interrupt. After 
vainly summoning the town to surrender, to which no an- 
swer was returned, Arnold was compelled to wait for the 
arrival of the forces under Montgomery. 

Early in December, the whole American force assembled 
before Quebec, but under circumstances materiall}' altered. 
Their fortune had changed, dissensions broke out among the 
officers, their money failed, provisions were difficult to be 
obtained, the winter set in with extreme severit3% and their 
numbers had been reduced to about half that of those that 
garrisoned the town. Eight hundred men were all that 
he could muster fit for duty, while General Carleton's forces 
exceeded fifteen hundred, 450 of whom were seamen be- 
longing to the king's ships, and the merchant vessels in 
the harbor. Under these disadvantages they maintained the 
siege with occasional bombardments, until the 31st of De- 
cember, on the morning of which, a general assault was 
made, in which the American forces were repulsed, and 
Genl. Montgomery killed. 

This ill-starred attack was planned, by General Montgom- 
ery, to take place in four different places, two of which, 
under the command of Colonel Livingston and Major Brown, 
were to be made against St. John's Gate, and Cape Dia- 
mond, respectively, as feints to distract the enemy, while 
himself and Colonel Arnold conducted the principal attacks 
against the lower town. The assault commenced during a 
neavy snow-storm, but by mistake in giving the signal, the 
garrison was alarmed, and prepared to receive them. Mont- 
gomery carried the first barrier, and was advancing at the 
head of his troops towards the second, when a discharge of 
grape-shot from a cannon, cut him down, with many officers 
and soldiers around him. The men were so dispirited with 
Mhe fall of their gallant and beloved commander, that the 
second in command, Colonel Campbell, thought proper to order 
a retreat. Arnold, on his side, carried a two gun battery, in 
which action he was wounded, and compelled to retire from the 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 129 

field. His men pushed on and carried a second barrier, 
when, unsupported by the other detachments, and hemmed 
in by superior numbers, they were compelled to surrender. 
The issue was, in consequence, a total defeat of the assail- 
ants. Their loss, independent of their heroic chief, one of 
the severest losses which America sustained during the cam- 
paign, was about one hundred men killed, and three hun-- 
dred prisoners. It is an honorable trait, to be recorded of 
Genl. Carleton, that he emulated the noble conduct of his 
deceased antagonist, in using his triumph generously, and 
treating his prisoners with courtesy and indulgence. ^ 

Arnold drew off the remainder of his troops, and retired 
about three miles from the city. He entrenched himself in 
quarters for the winter, fortifying himself with his gallant 
httle army, in such a manner, that the enemy did not un- 
dertake to molest him. 

Having thus brought the narrative of civil and military 
affairs in America, to the close of the year 1775, it is neces- 
sary, in order to understand their relations to Great Britain, 
at that period, to revert to the course of the British Parlia- 
ment, on the intelligence of the proceedings of the first 
session of the Continental Congress, of that year. 



130 HISTORY OF THE utA 



CHAPTER VII. 

The session of parliament commenced about the close of 
the month of October. The king's speech gave the situa- 
tion of American affairs, as the reason for convoking the 
House at so early a day. The conduct of the Americans 
was stigmatized as "treason, revolt, and rebellion;" their 
opinions were pronounced to be " repugnant to the true con- 
stitution of the colonies," and to their "subordinate relation 
to Great Britain ;" they were accused of " aiming at estab- 
lishing an independent empire ;" and a determination was 
expressed " to put a speedy end to these disorders, by the 
most decisive exertions." He added, that " the most friendly 
offers of foreign service had been made." 

The whole speech was warlike in tone, breathing nothing 
but vengeance against America. The answers of both 
houses contained the same sentiments, and avowed the 
same determinations, notwithstanding the vehement oppo- 
sition of some of the most able and upright statesmen. The 
project of employing foreign troops to subdue the colonies, 
was especially reprobated, as sanguinary, vindictive and 
unconstitutional. The Duke of Richmond, with nineteen 
other peers, made a protest upon the journal of the House 
of Lords. General Conway and the Duke of Grafton, sece- 
ded from the administration, and Lord George Sackville 
Germaine was made secretary for the colonies in place of 
Lord Dartmouth. 

Propositions were made, and repeated in various forms, 
for opening the way to a conciliation with America, and all 
voted down by large ministerial majorities. 

Mr. Penn was, on motion of the duke of Richmond, ex- 
I amined at the bar of the House in regard to the 
I dispositions and views of the Americans. On the 
conclusion of the examination, the duke moved that the 
petition of the continental congress, the same to which the 
king had refused an answer, was "ground for a conciliation of 
the unhappy differences subsisting between Great Britain 
and America." This was negatived by a large majority. 
A subsequent motion by the duke of Graflon, shared a like 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 



m 



fate. Mr. Burke brought forward a scheme of conciliation, 
and supported it eloquently, but unavailingly, in an elaborate 
speech. Mr. Fox failed in a like effort, Mr. Hartley intro- 
duced a series of resolutions, for a suspension of hostilities, 
to restore the charter of Massachusetts, and to repeal all the 
laws complained of, enacted since 1763. They were reject- 
ed without debate. By these repeated defeats of every sug- 
gestion, tending towards concession, it was established be- 
yond question, that the ruling party were determined on 
subjugating the colonies by force of arms. The means pro- 
vided, were conceived in a similar spirit of resolute and 
unflinching hostility to America. 

The first step was di prohibitory law, interdicting all trade 
and intercourse with the Thirteen United Colonies. By it all 
property of Americans, whether of ships or goods on the 
high seas, or in harbor, was declared forfeited to captors, 
being of his majesty's ships of war, and the crews were to 
be impressed on board of the ships of war. An exception 
was made, in favor of such colonies, and parts of colonies, 
as should return to a state of obedience, and a commission was 
authorized for determining the claims of applicants for this 
relaxation of rigor. 

This tyrannical and inhuman law, was followed by ener- 
getic measures to prosecute the war of conquest to extinguish 
the rebellion. The king laid before parliament, treaties 
which he had already negotiated with the land- 
grave of Hesse Cassel, the Duke of Brunswick, 
and the hereditary prince of Hesse Cassel, for the hiring 
of foreign mercenaries to carry on the American war. The 
debates to which the discussion of this Hessian treaty gave 
rise, necessarily took a wide and exciting range. Among 
the arguments which were used to show the impolicy and 
inhumanity of employing these foreign mercenaries, it was 
contended that it would be counselhng the Colonies to enter 
into foreign alliances ; because they might, instead of hiring 
foreign troops, obtain upon better terms the assistance of 
those European powers from which Great Britain had most 
to fear. On the other hand, the treaties were sti'enuously 
defended by the ministers on the strong plea of necessity. 
They spoke lightly of the expenses which would attend the 
employment of these troops, as they did not doubt that the 
war with America would be finished in one campaign, or 
at most in two. The idea that the war would be prolonged 



ffgt HISTORY OF THB^li. 

to a more distant period, they thought "so totally improba- 
ble as not to merit consideration." Such were; the sauf^uine 
calculations of those who directed the public alfair^ of Great 
Britain. Seventeen thousand troops were cnpr:iged by theje 
treaties, and nearly a million sterling voted to defray the ex- 
traordinary military expenses of the year. Twenty -five 
thousand English troops were also ordered on the same ser- 
vice, and a large fleet stationed on the coast to co-operate. 
These, with the troops already in America, and reinforce- 
ments from Canada, would, it was estimated, amount to 
55,000 men, abundantl}' supplied with munitions, provisions, 
arms, and ammunition, a force, strong enough, in the opin- 
ion of the ministry, to ci-ush America at a blow. 

One more effort, to make reconciliation still possible, was 
made, by the opposition. The duke of Grafton moved for 
an address to the king, praying that his majesty I 
would be pleased to issue a proclamation, de- | ' ' 
daring that "if the Colonies, before or after the arrival of the 
troops destined for America, shall present a petition to the 
commander-in-chief, or to the commissioners to be appoint- 
ed under the late act, setting forth what they consider to 
be their just rights and real grievances, that in such case 
his majesty will consent to a suspension of arms ; and that 
he has aalhoritij from his parliament to assure them that 
their petition shall be received, considered, and answered." 

This failed, and parliament, soon after, adjourned. 

The two brothers. Admiral and General Howe, v.ere ap- 
pointed commissioners under the prohibitory act, with power 
to grant pardons and re-establish peace upon submission. 
Sir Peter Parker and Lord Cornwallis had already embarked, 
with part of the corps designed for American service, and 
Admiral Hotham and Generals Burgoyne and Phillips, soon 
after followed. 

War on an extensive scale, and with an apparently irre- 
sistible force, now threatened the devoted colonies. The ar- 
mies and fleets that kept Europe in awe, and had in a recent 
war humbled the joint power of France and Spain in both 
hemispheres, were directed against a few plantations, with- 
out revenues, soldiery, military experience, fortresses, or 
ships ; without a common government to concentrate, with 
the sanctions of legitimate authority, the strength and re- 
sources which they actually possessed, embarassed by their 
anomalous relations towards their assailants, acknowledging 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 133 

the general authority of Great Britain while they were re- 
sisting her with arms, and perplexed by contrariety of opin- 
ions and uncertainty of aim among themselves. The con- 
test was apparently so unequal, that the British ministry 
may be excused for their error of judgment, in expecting 
an immediate subjugation of their refractory subjects. They 
could not anticipate the strength of the spirit of liberty which 
actuated the mass of the American people, and which made 
them bear up under such obstacles and perils against over- 
whelming odds, until defeats, disasters, and sufferings, taught 
them the way to victory. 

Tidings of the king's speech, at the opening of the ses- 
sion, and of the immediate proceedings in relation to the peti- 
tion of Congress, were received in America with deep re- 
sentment. The army before Boston was particularly exas- 
perated, and the feeling was improved by the officers, and 
by congress, to stimulate them to more vigorous measures 
against the town of Boston before the arrival of the expect- 
ed reinforcements to the British army. The speech was 
publicly burned in the camp, and the flag which had pre- 
viously been plain red, was changed to thirteen stripes, em- 
blematic of the union of the colonies. Differences of opin- 
ion had prevailed between General Washington, and the 
council of officers, on the subject of making a general assault, 
arising out of the deficiency of powder, and the unsettled 
condition of the troops. On the 14th of February, his pro- 
posal to risk the attack, was overruled ; but the new levies 
having arrived shortly after, with a large force of New Eng- 
land militia, and a supply of ammunition, it was determined 
to take advantage of the enthusiasm and resentment of the 
soldiers, to expel the enemy from Boston. 

The first object was to get possession of Dorchester Heights, 
which commanded the town and the harbor. Two days be- 
fore the main attempt was made, a brisk cannon- 
ading was opened upon Phipp's Farm, in another 
direction, to divert the attention of the British from the 
real object. The feint succeeded, and on the evening of 
the 4th of March, a party of 2000 Americans under the 
command of General Thomas, provided with the necessary 
boats, crossed over to the heights, in silence, and worked 
with such secrecy and expedition, that on the morning of 
the 5th, they had erected breastworks sufficient for their 
■^wn defence, in prosecuting their labours, and had already 

M 



i^ 



HISTORY OF THE 



mounted a battery of bombs and 2'1-pounders. The British 
admiral announced to General Howe, that the fleet could 
not remain in the harbor, unless the Americans were dis- 
lodged from the heights. An expedition was planned, and 
three thousand men detailed for the purpose. A violent 
storm rose, which prevented their embarkation during the 
day, and scattered the boats, and on the next morning it 
was found that the provincials had worked so diligently in 
extending and strengthening their works, as to make the 
attempt to force them hopeless. Their position commanded 
the whole town and harbour, and no resource was left to 
General Howe, but immediate evacuation. An informal nego- 
tiation was opened with General Washington, through the 
selectmen of the town, but without the signature of General 
Howe, proposing, that if the retreat of the British army were 
unmolested, they would retire without injury to the town. 
The propositionwas not positively acceded to, but the engage- 
ment was tacitly complied with by the American forces 
All firing upon the town ceased. Accordingly on the 17th 
I the British troops, amounting to more than seven 
j f/iOKsand soldiers and a large accompanying mul- 
titude, in one hundred and fifty vessels of various sizes and 
descriptions, evacuated the town, which was immediately 
occupied by the triumphant provincials. Ten days had 
been employed in the embarkation, and numerous riots 
and disorders occurred among the citizens, as well as 
with the soldiery. Houses were pillaged, and violence and 
robbeiy were common, notwithstanding the efforts of the 
general to prevent them. Fifteen hundred families, adhe- 
rents to Great Britain, accompanied the retreat, and added 
greatly to the confusion and distress of the scene. The 
embarkation Avas hastened by the erection of fortifications 
in several prominent positions, which threatened to hem in 
the British forces beyond the possibility of escape. When 
they at last sailed out of the harbor, they were in a strait- 
ened condition for the necessaries of life, food, fuel, and 
clothing for such a multitude. They were compelled to 
leave behind a considerable quantity of military stores. They 
demolished the fortifications of Castle William, and spiked 
the guns, and after being detained by contrary winds for 
fiflme days in the roads, sailed for Halifax, where they 
waited for the reinforcements from England. A naval forc«f 
was left on the station to warn the expected British store ves- 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 



1^5 



sels of the evacuation of the city, and protect them. Seve- 
ral of them however, fell into the hands of the Americans. 

As a measure of precaution, GeneraP Washington directed 
General Sullivan at New York, tobeon his guard, apprehend- 
ing that General Howe might direct his course to that city, 
which was in a defenceless state. General Clinton had already 
been detached by General Howe, to operate in the south, and 
Washington, uncertain of the precise plan of operations of 
ihe enemy, and apprehending New York to be the point of 
destination, had sent General Charles Lee to counteract the 
movement. As soon as Howe's forces left Boston, he sent 
additional forces to New York. 

The entry of the provincial army into Boston, was hailed 
with great triumphs and rejoicing ^ere and throughout the 
colonies. Congress passed a vole of public thanks to the 
commander-in-chief and the soldiery, and ordered a gold 
medal to be struck in honor of the achievement. 

The loyalists who had adhered to the enem}' were prose- 
cuted, and their property confiscated and sold for the bene- 
fit of the Treasury. The town was put into a state of de- 
fence, and garrisoned, and a few weeks afterwards, the 
commander-in-chief, with the main body of the 
army, marched for New York, where they arriv- 
ed on the 1st of April. General Lee, with a force of Con- 
necticut militia, amounting to twelve hundred men, had 
succeeded in reaching that city, just at the moment when 
the fleet, with the forces of Clinton, appeared off Sandy Hook. 
The British plan was thus frustrated, and Clinton sailed for 
the south. The occupation of the city by Lee, met with 
violent opposition and remonstrance from the royalists there, 
who were strong in numbers and influence. The committee 
of safety sent to urge him not to enter, because the enemy 
had tlireatened that the ships of w&v would fire me town. 
" Tell them," was the answer of Lee, " that if they set one 
house on fire in consequence of my coming, I will chain a 
hundred of their friends by the neck, and make the house 
their funeral pile," a threat which brought down the arro- 
gant tone of the king's party, and the patriots were left un- 
molested. Lee, after putting up works for defending the 
city, until the arrival of Washington, and administering, with 
characteristic energy and decision, a test oath to the citizens, 
set off with his forces, to follow the southern progress of 
Clinton. Soon after, the commander-in-chief established 



April- 



H6 HISTORY OF THE 

his head-quarters in New York, with the greater part of the 
army, from Boston, strengthened by recruits of the militia 
of New York and New Jersey. 

Before tracing the momentous civil and political events, 
which followed shortly after, it is proper, for a true under- 
standing of the whole position, resources, and prospects of 
the colonies, at the moment when they hazarded the Decla- 
ration of Independence, to follow the fortune of the contem 
poraneous military expeditions, in Canada by the Americans 
and against the southern colonies by the British. 

Arnold, with his diminished and suffering troops, amount- 
ing to about seven hundred men, had, after the death of 
Montgomery, successfully maintained himself, and cut off 
the communications of the garrison of Quebec, until rein- 
forced by detachments under the command of Generals 
Wooster and Thomas from Boston. The whole force in May, 
amounted, nominally, to three thousand men, but the small- 
pox prevailed among them with great violence, and reduced 
their effective strength to less than one thousand. An at- 
tempt was made to fire the town, with the design of storm- 
ing it in the midst of the confusion ; but it miscarried, and 
the American forces, weakened by sickness, which con- 
stantly increased among them, and exhausted by toils in the 
midst of an enemy's country, were farther dispirited by 
intelligence of the near approach of a considerable body of 
English troops, to jelieve the town. The progress of the 
war had not encouraged the Canadians or Indians to take 
])art with the colonies, and the arrival of a very superior 
force threatened to place the besieging army in a very criti- 
cal position. 

Early in May the van of the British troops arrived, consist- 
^ ing of two companies of regulars, and a large 
■ * body of marines. The vessels that brought them 
had forced their way with great difficulty through the ice. 
Governor Carlcton, with eighl hundred men, belonging to 
the garrison, having formed a junction with the reinforce- 
ment, marched instantly to attack the American camp; but 
the Americans had anticipated the movement, and com- 
menced a precipitate retreat the day before, leaving behind 
them their stores, part of their baggage and some of the 
sick. These latter were treated with great kindness and 
humanity ; proclamation was made, promising protection 
and aid to such of them, as might be concealed through 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Itf7 

fear, and all were generously fed and clothed, and sent 
safely home — a line of policy which strengthened very much 
the British interests in Canada. In a few ^weeks the British 
forces were augmented by successive arrivals of English, 
and some Brunswick troops, to the number of thirteen thou- 
sand men, under Generals Burgoyne, Phillips, and Reidesel. 
The Americans had retreated, without stopping, to the Sorel, 
where they were reinforced by several battalions, intrench- 
ed themselves, and threw up works for defence. General 
Thomas died there of the small-pox, and the command 
devolved first upon Arnold, and then upon General Sullivan. 
After an ineffectual attempt to surprise the main body of 
the enemy at Trots Rivieres, it was found necessary to evacu- 
ate the whole province of Canada. The pursuit was divided 
into two columns ; but the retreating army, though inferior 
in numbers, and under such serious disadvantages, baffled 
their pursuers completely.. Sullivan retreated by the Sorel, 
and Arnold evacuated Montreal twenty-four hours before the 
enemy entered it. The army re-united at St. Johns, under 
the command of Sullivan, and having burnt the magazine, 
barracks, and batteaux, retired under the cannon of Crown 
Point, whither the enemy were unable to follow. The re- 
treat was considered a masterly effort of military genius, 
and Congress voted their thanks to General Sullivan and 
his army, for their courage, fortitude, and skill. 

Gen. Gates was soon after appointed to the northern com- 
mand : and having collected a force of twelve thousand men, • 
took up a position at Ticonderoga, which he fortified, and with 
the naval command of Lake Champlain, was able to check 
the immediate advance of the enemy in that direction. 

The disasters of the Canada campaign were compensa- 
ted, in part, to the general cause of the colonies, by the more 
fortunate issue of their defences in the southern colonies. 
In North Carolina, the royal governor, Martin, who had 
been obliged, at the beginning of the year, like Lord Dun- 
more of Virginia, to abandon the province, and take refuge 
on board of a man-of-war, continued to exercise his office, 
and encourage the assembling of soldiers, in behalf of the 
loyal cause. A large number, from sixteen to seventeen 
hundred, principally Scotch emigrants, collected under the 
command of one McDonald, expecting the arrival of the 
British forces under Lord Cornwallis, and Sir Peter Parker, 
designed for the southern campaign, and of General Clinton, 
M2 



QHP history of the 

%ho was on his way south from Boston. The provincial 
^ovei-nor, Moore, collected some militia to Oppose them, and 
stationed them, to the number of a thousand men, at Moore^n 

Creek Bridge. The royalists hastily attacked them at that 
post, and as hastily retreated, with the loss of their arms 
zrao\m\xag io fifteen hundred v\?i&s, several huhdred muskets, 
numerous waggons, a quantity of ammunition, and aboUt 
seventy men killed. The Americans had but two men wound- 
ed. The attack was rash, and the flight a cowardly rout ; 
the results were, the total loss of the province to the roy- 
alists, and the defeat of that portion of the British plan of 
the campaign. General Clinton arrived about the same time, 
in the Cape Fear, and Governor Martin embarked, with others 
of the royal adherents in North Carolina, to share in the 
enterprise against Charleston, now the main object of attack. 
A junction of the British forces was made at that point ; the 
fleet under the command of Sir Peter Parker, consisted of two 
fifty gun ships, four frigates of twenty-eight guns each, two 
armed vessels of twenty and twenty-two guns, a sloop and 
gun boat. The land forces were 2500, in number. This arma- 
ment crossed Charleston baron the 4th of June, and 

"""' " ■ anchored about three miles from Sullivan's Island, 
upon which fortifications had been erected, commanding 
the channel leading to the town. The fort was built of 
Palmetto wood, mounted twenty-six guns, 3:2's and 16's, 
and was garrisoned by a regiment of 375 regulars and a few 
militia, under the command of Colonel William Moultrie. 
Long Island, separated on the east from Sullivan's Island, was 
protected by a party of militia, to prevent the landing of the 
British troops to assault the fort on the land side. The 
militia of the colony had obeyed the summons of the pro- 
vincial authorities, and about six thousand of them garri- 
soned the city. Every preparation within the power of the 
colonies had been made, to meet the expected attack. Lee, 
who had so promptly met Clinton in New York, had pushed 
on with extraordinary celerity, and again anticipated him 
at Charleston. The fleet experienced considerable difficulty 
and damage in crossing the bar, and on the eighteenth of 
June, after vainly summoning by proclamation the people 
to return* to their allegiance to the British crown, and offer- 
ing them pardon on submission, the attempt was made to 
reduce the fort. The two fifty gun ships, the Bristol and 
the Experiment, with two frigates, formed a line, and com- 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 139 

meoced a tremendous fire upon the works. The other three 
vessels were stranded and could not come into action, and 
>ne of them, the Acteon, was lost, and burnt on the succeed- 
ing morning. The fire of the ships was returned with 
amazing spirit and intrepidity by the Americans, and with 
such great eftect, that the Bristol was soon very nearly dis- 
abled, and dreadful slaughter was made in all the attacking 
vessels. The shot from the fort struck with a precision, 
which excited the admiration even of the enemy, and was 
kept up until their whole ammunition was expended. The 
British thought the fort silenced, but a supply of powder was 
soon furnished from the town, and the fire hotly maintained 
during the whole day, and until nine o'clock in the evening, 
when darkness put an end to the combat on both sides. 
During the night the British ships, excepting the Acteon, 
which was ashore, slipped their cables and dropped two 
miles down the river. They had been severely handled ; 
the total loss of men killed and wounded was 2:25, including 
Admiral Parker, slightly, and Lord William Campbell, recent 
governor, mortally wounded. The Americans lost only ten 
men killed, and twenty-two wounded. 

During the hottest of the fight, the flag of the fort was 
carried away by a shot, when Serjeant Jasper leaped down 
to the beach, in the face of the cannonading, and after re- 
covering the flag, climbed up and fixed it again on the battle- 
ment. For this heroic action, he afterwards received a 
sword from Governor Rutledge, which he gratefully ac- 
cepted, and the offer of a commission which he modestly 
declined. 

No serious attempt was made by the British to attack the 
fort on the land side. A few troops were disembarked, on 
Long Island, but being opposed by Colonel Thompson's corps, 
they remained inactive. 

Not long afterwards, the fleet abandoned the expedition, 
and returned to New York, to wait the arrival of General 
Howe, from Halifax. 

Congress and the people, expressed the highest admira- 
tion of the defence of Charleston, especially that of the 
fort, which has ever since borne the name of its intrepid 
defender, and is called Fort Moultrie. Congress passed a~ 
special vote of thanks to General Lee, and Colonels Moul- 
trie and Thompson, for their gallant and successful defence. 



l8b HISTORY OP THE 

Its permanent effects were, the entire derangement of 
the British military plans, and the security of the whole 
Southern States from invasion for more than two years. Its 
present influence was highly encouraging to the spirit of 
the colonies, affording them just cause for triumph over an 
adversary of superior force, and as a victory counterbalanc- 
ing the loss of their previous conquests in Canada. 

General Howe, having waited for nearly two months, at 
Halifax, with the troops he had withdrawn from Boston, 
in expectation of the arrival of his brother, and the addi- 
tional troops from England, at last sailed without them, and 
arrived in the latter part of June, off Sandy Hook. Admi- 
ral Howe soon followed with a large part of the reinforce- 
ment, and a powerful force was thus concentrated upon 
New York, then in the possession of Washington. The 
city, and Long and Staten Islands, were found fortified and 
defended with artillery. General Howe was joined by Tryon, 
late governor of the province, and a small number of refu- 
gees. On Staten Island a regiment of the inhabitants was 
embodied as a royal militia, and the British general was led 
to believe, that a large part of the people would readily join 
the royal standard. 

Additional troops arrived soon after, and a well appointed 
and numerous fleet and ar^my collected before the city, 
the possession of which was considered a most important 
point for the subjugation of the middle colonies. 

The gathering of these formidable armaments did, how- 
ever, only precipitate the final measure, which consummated 
the Revolution. In the constitution of human nature, the 
political separation of the two countries must have happened 
at some period not very remote ; but violent measures Avere 
required to break asunder suddenly and completely the nu- 
merous ties of affection, kindred, and interest, of common 
ancestry, common language, the same literature, learning, 
and the arts, which would have retained a mutual depend- 
ence and relation, long after all political necessity for union, 
had ceased. The arbitrary pretensions of the Parliament 
had now for twelve years, alarmed the colonists for the 
safety of their most essential rights, and taught them to 
look with jealousy and distrust upon all the constituted au- 
thorities of the mother country. Of late years these pre- 
tensions had been enforced with a haughty obstinacy and 
insulting disregard of the feelings and opinions of Ameri- 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 141 

cans, which could not fail to wound deeply the pride, and 
exasperate the sensibilities of a people, remarkable for ele- 
vation and independence of character; and the actual means 
employed for that purpose, had been marked by atrocious 
brutahty, by the most wanton disregard of laws, constitu- 
tions, the plainest dictates of justice and the claims of 
ordinary humanit}'-, and by an evidentdetermination to crush, 
with the strong arm of military power, the complaints, as 
well as the rights and privileges of America. To this had 
now succeeded twelve months of open hostilities, a state of 
notorious war in which the king's troops were resisted at all 
points, his othcers deposed and driven out of the country, 
his fortresses taken, his ships captured, and every energy 
exerted to subvert altogether his power in America, as too 
t3'rannical to be endured. At this point. Independence had 
become a fact, which needed onl}' a declaration by compe- 
tent authority, to be universally admitted among the colo- 
nies. To continue further professions of obedience to a 
king against whom they were defending their dearest rights, 
at the hazard of every thing, would have been not only a 
gross hypocrisy, inconsistent with manliness of character, 
and firmness of principle, but would have been a political 
blunder, decidedly injurious to their prospects of success, 
and their hopes of aid in the struggle before them. They 
saw that a return to a cordial union Avith Great Britain, had 
become impossible under any circumstances; that violence, 
injustice, and wantonness of power on the one hand, and 
long continued dread, jealousy, anger, and finally hatred on 
the other, had made it vain to expect that harmony could 
ever be restored permanently, even with the most unlimi^d 
concessions by Great Britain. The recent acts of Parlia- 
ment, and the concentration in America of such a vast force 
of English troops and foreign mercenaries, convinced them 
that no terms could be obtained short of submission without 
condition to foreign conquest, and a surrender of all they 
had been contending for as most precious, into the hands 
of triumphant conquerors. 

Nothing therefore remained but to assume in the eyes of 
the world, that Independence, which their position in the 
controversy seemed so imperi<j^sly to require as a measure 
of honor and safety, and which existed in fact, in every 
colony that had subverted the king's powers, and assumed 
the functions of government. It was moreover considered 



142 HISTORY OP THE 

indispensable, in order to secure the aid of other European 
nations, in the struggle against England. The general dis- 
like of continental Europe to the predominance of the 
power of Great Britain, gave just ground to anticipate their 
co-operation, sooner or later, in a war to deprive her of such 
immense possessions. Besides these merely political views, 
looking to the humbling of a powerful and dreaded rival, it 
was considered that commercial considerations would influ- 
ence them to the same course. The great and growing 
trade of the American colonies, that had been monopolized 
by Great Britain, was a prize to the mercantile interests of 
other states, for which large efibrts and sacrifices would be 
made. These calculations could not, however, be made in 
favor of dependent provinces, struggling in rebellion against 
acknowledged authority. Treaties could be entered into, 
and aid, of men or money, asked for sufficient to give force 
and dignity to the contest, only as independent states ; and 
hence the policy of severing at once, by a formal act, all 
dependence upon Great Britain, and assuming an attitude 
of sovereignty. 

Reasonings of this nature, gradually ripened the minds 
of the colonies, to the great revolutionary measure of inde- 
pendence. The course of events brought it on by a moral 
and political necessity. As the non-imi)ortation agreements 
of 1773-4, were followed by the assumption of arms in 1775, 
so the commencement of hostilities produced the declaration 
of independence. The public mind, under the constant 
excitement of wrongs and sufferings from the unnatural mother 
country, and heated and at the same time enlightened by 
the acute discussions, and impassioned appeals of able men 
in behalf of liberty and resistance, Avas prepared to take the 
final step. During the winter and spring of 1776, the press 
teemed with gazettes, pamphlets, and judicial charges, 
enforcing the necessity and urging the Avisdom of indepen- 
dence. Eminent individuals in all the colonies, devoted 
their time and talents to the dissemination of the same prin- 
ciples. The pamphlet of Thomas Paine, entitled " Common 
Sense," had a wonderful effect, in diffusing plain and prac- 
tical views of the question, expressed in a sententious and 
popular style. The charge of Judge Wm. H. Drayton of 
South Carolina, was remarkable for its boldness and effect. 
After drawing a contrast between the British government, 
9Xid such a one as the colonists could erect for themselves, 



AMERICAN REVOLUtiON. 14B 

and portraying in indignant terms the tyranny of Great 
Britian, he summed up thus emphatically : — " In short I think 
it my duty to declare in the awful seat of justice and before 
Almighty God, that in my opinion, the Americans can have 
no safety but by the Divine favour, their own virtue, and' 
their being so prudent as not to leave it in the power 
of the British rulers to injure them. Indeed, the ruinous 
and deadly injuries received on our side; and the jealousies 
entertained and which, in the nature of things, must 
daily increase against us, on the other ; demonstrate to 
a mind, in the least given to reflection upon the rise and 
fall of empires, that ti-ue reconcilement never can exist 
between Great Britain and America, the latter being in sub- 
jection to the former. The Almighty created America to 
be independent of Britain. Let us beware of the impiety of 
being backward to act as instruments in the Almighty hand, 
now extended to accomphsh his purpose ; and by the com- 
pletion of which alone America, in the nature of human 
affairs, can be secure against the craft and insidious designs 
of her enemies, who think her prosperity and power already 
by far too great. In a word, our piety and political safety 
are so blended, that to refuse our labors in this divine work, 
is to refuse to be a great, a free, a pious, and a happy 
people ! 

Soon after the prohibitory act reached America, congress 
made still further advances towards independence, by grant- 
ing letters of marque and reprisal against the ships 
and goods of the inhabitants of Great Britain, and 
opening the ports to all the world, except those of Great 
Britain. In the same month, Silas Deane was sent as se- 
cret agent to the court of France, with instructions to ascer- 
tain the disposition of that court; "whether if the colonies 
should be forced to form themselves into an independent 
state, France would probably acknowledge them as such, 
receive their ambassadors, enter into any treaty or alliance 
with them for commerce, or defence, or both ?" A few weeks 
later, they took a preliminary step of great importance, 
which plainly showed the design of a speedy declaration. 
In examining the advance of congress in this matter, it 
must be borne in mind that they acted by the implied con- 
sent of the colonies, ana with authority which had no sanc- 
tion but the acquiescence of the provincial conventions, or 
legislatures, many of which existed by the same tacit suf- 



^ill HISTORY OP THE 

ferance without formal organization. The colonies were 
integral communities, independent of each other, and con* 
sequently, in all matters concerning their political exist* 
ence, and formsof government and relations with each other 
or foreign nations. Congress only acted by the consent of 
each, express or implied. Its functions were in effect oniy 
advisory, though they had been universally recognized, under 
the emergencies of the times, as binding upon the good faith 
of the several provinces. In a step of such an extraordina- 
ry kind, as the assumption of independence, it is obvious 
that their power extended no further than the declaration of 
a fact, that each of those who joined in the assertion of the 
independence of all, was at the time absolutely independent 
in itself. Congress had on several occasions been applied 
to for advice, in regard to the internal administration of the 
separate colonies. In the fall of 1775, on the subversion of 
the royal governments, several of the provincial conventions, 
following the example of Massachusetts, had asked the coun- 
sel of congress as to the form of government proper to be 
adopted, and had received directions recommending popular 
representation and elective administrations; "during the 
continuance of the dispute with the parent country." At 
that time a considerable portion of the country, and some 
leading members of congress, thought even this limited as- 
sumption of the functions of government, too openly hostile to 
British authority, and prematurely leading to revolution. With 
scarcely an exception during the summer and autumn of that 
year, the provincial assemblies and conventions, disclaimed 
for themselves and for their constituents, the design of separa- 
ting from Great Britain. Great changes of opinion, and infi- 
nitely more zeal and boldness in the avowal of opinions pre- 
viously entertained, were brought about by the course of 
affairs during the parliamentary session of 1776 in Great 
Britain, antl the campaigns arrayed against America for the 
same year, to conquer and enslave British colonies with the 
aid of hired soldiery from Germany. 

In May, 177(>, congress, following the advance of public 
opinion, recommended, without opposition of any moment, 
j^ 10 I ^" indefinite extension of the same power in the 
I provincial governments, the suggestion of which 
provisionally and for an interim, had only six months before 
alarmed the loyalty of the colonists. They advised the peo- 
ple not to consider themselves any longer as holding or 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 145 

exercising any powers from Great Britain, but " to adopt such 
government as should in the opinion of the representatives 
of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of 
their constituents in particular, and of America in general." 
By the preamble to this resolution, finally adopted five days 
afterwards, it was declared " irreconcilable with I 
reason and good conscience" for the colonists to | 
take the oaths for the support of government under the 
crown of Great Britain. They proclaimed the necessity of 
suppressing "the exercise of every kind of authority under 
the crown," and all power should be exerted "under the 
authority of the people of the colonies, for the preservation 
of internal peace, virtue, and good order, as well as for the 
defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the 
hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies." 

About the same time, the colonial assemblies began to 
move in the great question, and give official sanction to 
what had become the general sentiment of America. North 
Carolina, on the 2'2d of April, made the first public act of 
any colonial assembly in favour of the measure, by instruct- 
ing her delegates in congress " to concur with those in the 
other colonies in declaring independency " — a phrase which 
implies a general agitation of the question, and the expec- 
tation that it would shortly be brought before congress. 

On the 14th of May, the general assembly of Massachu- 
setts desired the people at the ensuing election of represen- 
tatives, to give them instructions on the subject of indepen- 
dence ; and on the 23d, the inhabitants of Boston, whose 
opinions reflect those of the whole colony, instructed their 
representatives that their delegates in congress be advised 
that the inhabitants of that colony " with their lives and the 
remnants of their fortunes, would most cheerfully support 
them in the measure " of declaring independence. 

On the 15th of May, the provincial convention of Vir- 
ginia unanimously instructed their delegates in congress, to 
propose to that body, to declare the United Colonies, " free 
and independent states ; absolved from all allegiance or depen- 
dence upon the crown, or parliament of Great Britain." At 
the same time, without waiting for the declaration, they as- 
sumed the independence of Virginia, and appointed a com- 
mittee to draw up a biU of rights, and form a constitution. 

The assembly of Rhode Island, in the same month, adopt- 
ed an oath of allegiance to the colony, and instructed their 

N 



146 HISTORY OP THE 

delegates In congress to join in all measures which might be 
agreed on in congress, for the advancement of the interests, 
safety, and dignity of the colonies. 

South Carolina and GJeorgia, with the colonies just men- 
tioned, had taken active measures to procure a declaration 
of independence, before it was brought forward formally in 
that body. Pennsylvania and Maryland had declared against 
it, and the other delegates were without instructions ; when, 
on the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, 

"""^ ■ offered a resolution, declaring that "the United 
Colonies are, and ought to be, free and mdependent States ; 
that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, 
and that all political connexion between them, and the state 
of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." 

This resolution, so mighty in its character, and the vast 
importance of all its bearings, was debated for several days 
with extraordinary earnestness, eloquence, and ability. Mr. 
Lee, and John Adams, were the most distinguished in sup- 
porting the motion, and Mr. John Dickinson of Pennsylva- 
nia in opposing it. These were among the most able and 
eminent men the revolution had produced, and the full 
strength of their faculties was brouglit forth on so solemn 
and momentous an occasion. On the 10th the resolution 
was adopted in a committee by a bare majority of the color 
nies, and the final consideration was postponed to the first 
of July, to give time for greater deliberation, and for instruc- 
tions from the colonial legislatures. A committee was ap- 
pointed to draw up the declaration, consisting of Thomas 
Jefferson, John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, and 
Robert R. Livingston. 

In the interim, the friends of independence were ardent 
and indefatigable in their labom-s to procure the co-opera- 
tion of such colonies as had not yet taken measures to ex- 
press their concurrence, and to procure the assent of the 
colonies that hesitated or had refused. 

On the 8th, the New York delegates wrote for instruc- 
tions, but the provincial assembly not feeling themselves 
authorized to act, referred them in reply, to the people, who 
were desired to give instructions, at the election of legis- 
lators. 

On the 15th, the New Hampshire assembly unanimously 
instructed their delegates to concur, and on the same day, a 
similar instruction was given by the Connecticut assembly, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION-. 

who had specially convened for the purpose. On the 21st, 
new delegates were chosen from New Jersey, and instructed 
if they should deem it expedient, " to join in declaring the 
United Colonies independent." 

In the same month the assembly of Pennsylvania with- 
drew their former instructions against independence, but did 
not expressly authorize concurrence. They took measures 
for obtaining an expression of the opinion of the people of 
the province ; and a convention composed of committees from 
the counties, met at Philadelphia, on the 24th of June. This 
convention, withoutbinding the delegates to a vote in favour 
of independence, voted to allow them a discretion, and 
expressed their own willingness to concur with the other 
colonies. 

The delegates from Maryland had voted against Mr. Lee's 
moti5n, on instructions, and against their own personal wishes. 
They made strenuous efforts to procure a reversal of their 
instructions, and chiefly through the perseverance of Sam- 
uel Chase, a new convention was held on the 28th of June, 
and resolutions adopted empowering their representatives to 
concur with the other colonies, in the proposed declaration. 
These were sent express to Philadelphia, and reached there 
on the day a23pointed for the final determination of the 
question. 

On the 1st of July, the debate was resumed, and contin- 
ued for three days, and after deliberate discussion, was assent- 
ed to by all the colonies, except Delaware and Pennsylva- 
nia. Thomas M'Kean and George Read Avere the del- 
egates from Delaware present, and they were divided, 
M Kean in favour of the declaration, and Read against it. 
The third delegate, Mr. Rodney, was absent during the dis- 
cussion, but was sent for express, by his colleague M'Kean, 
a distance of eighty miles. He obeyed the call with such 
alacrity as to reach Philadelphia in time to determine the 
vote of Delaware on the side of independence. His haste, 
and the disordered condition in which he appeared in con- 
gress to give his vote, gave rise to the revolutionary toast of 
" Rodney in Boots ;" which became popular among the whigs 
of the day. 

Several delegates were present from Pennsylvania, four of 
whom voted against the resolution, and three in its favour. 
On the final vote, however, two of the opponents, Morris 
and Dickinson, withdrew, and the three affirmative votes, 



148 HISTORY OF THE 

Franklin, Wilson, and Morton, formed a majority against 
the remaining negatives. Willing and Humphrey, and turned 
the vote of the province. 

These happy changes having been effected, the declara- 
juiy 4, I tion prepared by the special committee, came 
1770. I ^,p foj. ^,^2l[ disposition, and on the 4th of July, 
received the assent of every colony. The committee ap- 
pointed on the 11th to prepare a declaration, had agreed 
to make separate drafts, in order that all might be com- 
pared together, and a final declaration drawn up from them 
by the whole committee. That prepared by Mr. Jefferson, the 
chairman, was first read, and received with such admiration, 
that the other members declined producing their own, and 
unanimously adopted it, with but trifling verbal alterations. 
On the FOURTH, it received the assent of the thirteen colo- 
nies, in congress assembled after a few amendments : — in 
the following Avords: — 

" A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States 
of America, in Congress assembled. 

" When in the course of human events, it becomes neces- 
sary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have 
connected them with another, and to assume among the 
powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which 
the laws of nature and nature's God entitle them, a de- 
cent respect to the opinions of mankind requires, that they 
should declare the cause which compel them to the sepa- 
ration. 

" We hold these truths to be self-evident : — that all men are 
created equal ; that they arc endowed by their Creator with 
certain unalienable riglits ; that among these are life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, 
governments are instituted among men, deriving their just 
powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any 
form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is 
the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to insti- 
tute a new government, laying its foundation on such prin- 
ciples, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them 
shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. 
Prudence indeed Avill dictate, that governments long estab- 
lished, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; 
and accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind ara 
more disposed to sutler, while evils are sufferable, than to 
right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are 



A.MERICAN REVOLLTTION. 149 

accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpa- 
tions, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design 
to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, 
it is their duty to throw off such government, and to provide 
new guards for their future security. Such has been the 
patient sufferance of these Colonies, and such is now the 
necessity which constrains them to alter their former sys- 
tems of government. The history of the present King of 
Great Britain, is a history of repeated injuries and usur- 
pations ; all having in direct object the establishment of an 
absolute tyranny over these states : to prove this, let facts be 
exhibited to a candid world. 

"He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome 
and necessary for the public good. 

' " He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immedi- 
ate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their ope- 
rations till his assent should be obtained ; and when so sus- 
pended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 

" He has refused to pass other laws, for the accommodation 
of large districts of people, unless those people would relin- 
quish the right of representation in the legislature ; a right 
inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 

" He has called together legislative bodies at places unusu- 
al, uncomfortable, and distant from the depositories of their 
public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into 
compliance with his measures. 

■'He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for 
opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the right of 
the people. 

" He has refused, for a long time after such dissolution, to 
cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, 
incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at 
large for their exercise, — the state remaining in the mean 
time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from Avithout, 
and convulsions within. 

" He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these 
states ; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturaliza- 
tion of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their 
ibigrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appro- 
priations of lands. •"'.■ . n.,.:i7j 
"He has obstructed the administration of justice, byres 
fusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powersv 
:. "He has made judges dependent on hiis will alofte, for Ih^ 



150 HISTORY OF THE 

fenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their 
salaries. 

" He has erected a multitude of new oifices, and sent 
hither swarms of officers, to harass our peo))le and eat out 
their substance. 

"He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, 
without the consent of our legislatures. 

" He has affected to render the military independent of and 
superior to, the civil power. 

" He has combined with others, to subject us to a jurisdic- 
tion foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our 
laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation: 

" For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : 

" For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment 
for any murders which they should commit on the inhabit- 
ants of these states : 

" For cutting off our trade, with all parts of the world : 

" For imposing taxes on us W'ithout our consent : 

" For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by 
jury : 

" For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended 
offences : 

" For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neigh- 
bouring Province, establishing therein an arbitrary govern- 
ment, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once 
an example and fit instrument for introducing the same abso- 
lute rule into these colonies : 

" For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valua- 
ble laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our gov- 
ernments : 

"For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring 
themselves invested in power to legislate for us, in all cases 
whatsoever. 

" He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out 
of his protection, and waging war against us. 

" He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our 
towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 

"He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign 

mercenaries, to complete the works of death, desolution and 

tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and 

. perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and 

totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

" He has coastrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 151 

the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become 
the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall them- 
selves by their hands. 

" He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and 
has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers 
the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare 
is, an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and con- 
ditions. 

" In every stage of these oppressions, w^e have petitioned 
for redress, in the most humble terms : our repeated petitions 
have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, 
whose character is thus marked by every act which may 
define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

"Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British 
brethren. We have warned them from time to time, of at- 
tempts, by their legislature, to extend an unwarrantable 
jurisdiction over vis ; we have reminded them of the cir- 
cumstances of our emigration and settlement here ; we have 
appealed to their native justice and magnanimity ; and we 
have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to 
disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt 
our connexions and correspondence. They too have been 
deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must 
therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our 
seperation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind — 
enemies in war, in peace friends. 

"We, therefore, the representatives of the United States 
of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the 
Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten- 
tions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people 
of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these 
United Colonies are, and of right ought to be. Free and 
Independent States ; that they are absolved from all alle- 
giance to the British Crown ; and that all political con- 
nexion between them and the state of Great Britain, is and 
ought to be totally dissolved ; and that, as free and inde- 
pendent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude 
peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do aU 
other acts and things which independent states may of right 
do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm 
reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually 
pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred 
honour." 



152 HISTORY OP THE 

Copies of this declaration were immediately transmitted 
to all the states, and received with enthusiasm, and pro- 
claimed with every demonstration of joy. Five days after 
its adoption, the legislature of New York, that had not pre- 
viously acted, unanimously resolved, that the reasons of 
Congress for declaring Independence, were " cogent and 
unanswerable." At Philadelphia, when it was solemnly 
promulgated on the eighth, the artillery fired salutes, the 
bells rang a peal of triumph, and bonfires blazed all over the 
city. At New York it was on the eleventh, by order of 
General Washington, read to the head of every brigade in 
the army, amidst universal acclamations. The leaden statue 
of king George the Third, that had stood before the govern- 
ment house, was torn down, dragged through the streets, 
and converted into musket-balls. In Baltimore the like 
enthusiasm prevailed, and the populace marched an efSgy 
of the king through the streets, and then burnt it. In Boston 
the most extravagant demonstrations were made, of almost 
delirious exultation. Salutes of thirteen guns were fired 
from every place, and by every company that possessed the 
means. All the authorities, civil and military, with a vast 
concourse of people, were collected together in King-street, 
and the Declaration read from the balcony of the State 
House, amidst deafening shouts and the roar of artillery. 
The name of King-street was changed to State-street, on the 
spot, and in the evening, the ro3^al emblems throughout the 
town, crowns, sceptres, lions, &c. were torn down and burnt 
in triumph. In Virginia the like ardor prevailed ; and the 
whole country hailed the Declaration as an act of liberation 
from slavery, and a victory over the institutions of despotism. 

We cannot better illustrate these feelings than by an 
extract from a private letter, written on the morning after the 
vote in favour of Independence, by Jolin Adams, to his wife, 
published many years afterwards. It shows the warmth of 
temperament which pervaded the patriot bosoms of that day ; 
the sagacity with which coming evils were foreseen, and 
courageous confidence with which they Avere defied. 

"The day is past. The fourth day of July, 1770, will be 
a memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to 
believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations, 
as the great Anniversary Festival. It ought to be commem- 
orated, as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion 
to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 153 

shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations, 
from one end of the continent to the other, from this time 
forward for ever. 

"You will think me transported with enthusiasm ; but I am 
not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, 
that it will cost us to maintain this declaration, and support 
and defend these states. Yet, through all the gloom, I can 
see the rays of light and glory ; I can see that the end is 
more than worth all the means, and that posterity will 
triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we 
shaU not." 

It was not, however, possible, in the nature of human 
affairs, that so complete a revolution could be made with 
perfect unanimity. Many individuals, from various reasonSj 
refused to acquiesce in the decision of the mass of tha 
people, and continued to acknoAvledge and adhere to British 
authority. Persons of this description were called Tories 
and enemies to their country; and were so unpopular, that, 
in many instances they were illegally siezed and violently 
abused by the people. Before the declaration of independ- 
ence, Congress had been compelled to interfere in their 
behalf, and pass resolutions to protect them from disturb- 
ances, except when taken in an overt-act of hostility to 
American liberty, or under circumstances of strong pre- 
sumption. The resolution, already alluded to, declaring the 
Americans absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, 
passed in June, recognised the obligation of allegiance to 
the separate colonies, from all persons residing within the 
same ; and therefore liable only to the colonial tribunals for 
violations of this duty. On the 24th, these principles were 
followed up more specifically by a declaration that " all 
persons abiding within any of the United Colonies, and 
deriving protection from the laws of the same, owed alle- 
giance to the said laws, and were members of said colony.' 
And further, that all persons, members of any colony, who 
should lev}' war against any of the said colonies, or adhere 
to its enemies, "within the same,'^ were "guilty of treason 
against such colony." It was further recommended to the 
legislatures of the several colonies, to provide laws for the 
punishment of such " /recr^o/is." No more explicit avowal 
of the separate sovereignty of the individual colonies, in 
fact, before the joint declaration, could be advanced. After 
the declaration, the states, or most of them, on the same or 



till HISTORY OF THE 

similar suggestions, confiscated the estates of Tories, and 
adherents to Great Britain, and passed special laws inflicting 
severe punishments on all acts of hostility, and the punish- 
ment of death for treason. 

The disasters to the arms of America, which followed the 
declaration of independence, increased the number of mal- 
contents, and weakened the force of the countr}'. The mass 
of the inhabitants, however, stood firm in the cause ; and the 
consistency and courage of Congress, with the unequalled 
virtues of the Commander-in-chief, who held the destinies 
of the country in his hand for a long and critical period, 
sustained and invigorated the popular determination to a 
final triumph over foreign and domestic enemies. 

In its proper place, hereafter, we shall trace Ihe history 
of the Confederniion among the colonics, which took its rise 
out of the new state of separate sovereignty, in which the 
declaration of independence placed them. So obvious was 
the necessity of some such compact, that on the I2th of 
June, the next day after that in which the resolution in 
favour of independence passed the committee of the whole, 
Congress determined to appoint a committee to prepare and 
digest a form of Confederation ; and on the r3th the com- 
mittee was selected, consisting of Mr. Bartlett, of New 
Hampshire, Samuel Adams, of Massachusetts, Stephen 
Hopkins, of Rhode Island, Roger Sherman, of Connecticut, 
R. R. Livingston, of New York, John Dickinson, of Penn- 
sylvania, Thomas M'Kean, of Delaware, Mercer, of INIary- 
land, Nelson, of Virginia, Hewes, of North Carolina, Rut- 
ledge, of South Carolina, and Gwinnett, of Georgia. This 
committee reported a plan of Confederacy on the I2th of 
July. After discussions and amendments, an amended draft 
was reported late in August, and the whole subject then laid 
over until April of the next year, and was not finally adopted 
until November, 1777, under which date, a review of its 
progress and details more properly belongs. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 155 



CHAPTER VIII. 

The position of American affairs, at the date of the decla- 
ration of independence, was not encouraging. The repulse 
of Clinton from Charleston was a gallant action, but did not 
counterbalance the reverses in Canada. A very powerful 
force by sea and land was concentrating on the city of New 
Vork, where the means for defence were very inadequate. 
Admiral Howe joined his brother at Staten Island on the-^ 
12th July. About the same time, General Clinton arrived 
with the troops which had attacked Charleston, and Admiral 
Hotham with a strong reinforcement under his escort. The 
army, in a short time, amounted to 24,000 of the best troops 
in Europe, to whom several regiments of Hessian infantry 
were expected to be added ; making the aggregate not less 
than 35,000 men. 

To oppose these, the American General had a force, con- 
sisting chiefly of undisciplined and badly provided militia, 
amounting in number to about seventeen thousand men. 
Deducting for invalids and those v.'ithout means for going: 
into active service, the effective force, at no lime previous 
to the battle of Long Island, was greater than fourteen thou- 
sand. These were necessarily divided into detachments and 
parties on New York, Long and Governor's Islands, and 
Paulus Hook, upon the Jersey shore of the Hudson, opposite 
the city, — a space extending over fifteen miles. 

While waiting for reinforcements, Admiral and General 
Howe, who were commissioners under the late act of the 
British parliament, undertook, in their civil capacity, to 
open negotiations for a re-union between the countries. The 
declaration of independence probably hastened their anxiety 
to improve what they thought would be the alarms of the 
timid, on the first promulgation of so bold a measure. 

In the month of June, while on the coast of Massachusetts, 
Lord Howe had issued circulars to the royal governors of 
the provinces for distribution, explaining the commission. 
with which he and his colleagues were charged. These 
were to grant " general or particular pardons to all those 
who, though they bad deviated from their allegiance, were 



1S6 HISTORV of THfi 

wilHng to return to their duty." Congress, on the receipt 
of these and subsequent documents of a like character, took 
the bold step of ordering them to be published and circulated 
for the purpose of showing the insulting nature of the powers 
and the absence of all concession to the rights that had been 
so strenuously claimed. The reason assigned in rhe resolu- 
tion for publication was, that the good people of the United 
States " might see the terms, with the expectation of which 
the insidious court of Great Britain had endeavoured to 
amuse and disarm them;" and that "the few, who still 
remained suspended by a hope founded either in the justice 
or moderation of their late king, might now at length be 
convinced that the valor alone of their country could save 
its liberties." 

A more direct attempt at negotiation was made on the 
I 14th, by a flag of truce, which brought a letter 
I from General Howe, addressed simply to George 
Washington, Esq, without ollicial designation. This was 
refused, not, as General Washington informed Congress, upon 
a mere point of jiersonal punctilio, but because, in a " pub- 
lic point of view," it was due to his " country and appoint- 
ment," to insist upon respect to tlie Commander-in-chief 
of the American forces. Congress applauded his course, 
and directed by resolution, that no letter nor communication 
from the enemy should be received by any officer whatever, 
unless directed to him properly in his official' capacity. 

A second letter, brought by Adjutant-general Patterson, 
addressed to " George Washington, &c. &c. &c." was in like 
manner declined. To the remark that these et ceteras implied 
every thing, and were not liable to the previous objection, 
Washington replied, that they also implied any thing; and 
he should in consequence refuse to receive all communica- 
tion not explicitly acknowledging his public capacity. Gen. 
Patterson concluded a long conference, managed on both 
sides with great dignity and courtesy, by remarking, that 
tlie commissioners had " great powers," and would be happy 
to effect an accommodation. "Their powers," rejoined 
Washington, " are only to grant pardons. They who have 
committed no fault, want no pardon." This peremptory 
rejection of the views with which the royal commissioners 
came charged, closed their attempts to negotiate upon the 
ground of pardon. A correspondence was afterwards opened 
between the two generals, with regard to the treatment of 



AM£RICAN REVOLUTION. 157 

prisoners, on both sides, in which the proper direction was 
scrupulously given, according to the claims made by General 
Washington. 

The British forces were in the mean time by no means ) 
idle. On the 12th, two of their ships had forced their way 
up the Hudson, and taken a position near Tarrytown. The 
military in the counties along the shore, were directed to 
oppose them, under the command of the American General 
Clinton. An attempt was made to dislodge them, with some 
American ships and gallies, but without success. The con- 
tinual arrival of fresh troops strengthened the invading force; 
and on the close of the attempt at negotiation, it was resolved 
to make a bold, and it was hoped, final movement against 
the American position. 

Within the camp of Washington, the difficulties and 
embarrassments Avere of the most distressing and sometimes 
threatening nature. The militia, upon which he was com- 
pelled to rely, had not learned the necessary habits of 
military subordination : they were sometimes exceedingly 
turbulent, and generally very ill provided with arms, ammu- 
nition, food ; and for a while, a feud of an alarming character, 
raged' between the eastern troops on the one side, and the ' 
southern and middle troops on the other, which required all 
the firmness and sagacity of the general to appease. A plot 
was detected, the seat of which was in the interior of New 
York, for betraying the patriots to the British, which was 
quelled by the exertions of General Schuyler. Dissensions 
sprung up between the officers, about precedence of rank ; 
and, to crown all the evils of necessity, insubordination, 
disaffection, and want, which afflicted the raw recruits — pes- 
tilence was added. The small-pox attacked them virulently, 
and before the 1st of August, one-third of the army was on 
the sick list. The reinforcements called for by the general, 
at the time, came in slowly and with all the same deficien- 
cies. The exertions of Washington, aided by Congress, were 
most persevering, indefatigable, and sagacious. With such 
means, he contrived to keep the enemy in check for more than 
a month ; and, for a while, baffled the plans of a force three 
times his own in magnitude, of well disciplined and well 
supplied soldiery. On the 22d of July, Congress authorized 
X an exchange of prisoners, rank for rank; at the same time 
i recognising the right of each state to make exchanges for 
itself^ of prisoners taken under its own authority : and on the 





HISTORY OF THE 

same day voted to emit Jive milUons of dollars in bills of credit. 
On the yth of August, resolutions were adopted for encou- 
raging the Hessians and other foreigners in the British ser- 
vice to desert, in the phrase adopted, "to quit that iniquitous 
service." 

Being in daily expectation of an attack from the English 
forces. General Washington had been anxiously preparing 
for it at every point, by which it was thought they would 
approach. The charge of the American defences on Long 
Island had been given originally to General Greene, one of 
the best officers in the service, and who distinguished himself 
so highly in the course of the war. Upon his falling sick, 
the command devolved upon General Sullivan. The attack 
"which was made on the 27th, "was directed against the works 
constructed under the direction of General Greene, enclosing 
the village of Brooklyn, which is on the side of Long Island 
opposite the city of New York. They extended from the 
Wallabout Bay, on the left, above the city, across the penin- 
sula, to the Red Hook, below the city, where the j)assago 
called the Narrows communicates between the Bay of New- 
York and the ocean. Within the Narrows lies Governor's 
Island, which was also forlified. The village of Brooklyn, 
lying within these lines, was occupied by the American force 
under General Sullivan. Between them and the opposite 
parts of the Island, w here the enemy could land, "was a range 
of hills, commencing at the Narrows, and extending easterly 
for about six miles, and terminating near Jamaica. These 
hills were thickly wooded. Three roads passed through them, 
accessible to soldiery: one near the Narrows, a second by the 
village of Flatbush, and a third called the Bedford road. 
Another road from the south side of the Island avoided the 
hills entirely, by passing around the eastern extremity, called 
the Jamaica road. The passes through tlie hills had been 
carefully giTarded by cori)s of eight hundred men each, and 
Colonel INIiles, with a battalion of riflemen, was stationed to 
•watch the Jamaica road, and keep open a communication 
between the passes. 

The British forces had landed on the 2-2d, and on the 
evening of the iJ()th of x\ugust, the Hessians, under 
command of Gen. De Hiester, occupied the village 
of Flatbush. This formed the centre of the British force in 
the battle of the next day. General Grant commanded the 
left, towards the Narrows, and General Clinton, with Lords 



Aug. 2G. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 159 

Cbrnwallis and Percy, led the right, which was the main 
point of attack, along the Jamaica road. The British plan 
was to make brisk attacks with their left and centre, upop 
the opposing American lines, to direct their attention fron" 
the chief object, which was to turn the American left, and 
take their whole force in flank by surprise. The plan suc- 
ceeded. General Grant, who commanded the British left 
advanced upon the American forces, who instantly fled; 
and a few of them were with difficulty rallied until Lord 
Sterling had collected about fifteen hundred men, with whom 
he made a stand, about two miles from the camp. About 
daylight, the Hessians from Flatbush advanced, simulta- 
neously, with Gen. Grant's division, and the whole American 
forces were soon hotly and resolutely engaged with them. 
General Washington had reinforced the troops at Brooklyn, 
and given the command there to General Putnam, who, under 
the persuasion that the body of the enemy were advancing by 
these routes, sent succors to Lord Sterling and Gen. Sullivan. 

General Clinton and his force had in the mean time gained 
their object. In the preceding night he had marched for the 
Jamaica defile, and before day surprised the Americans, 
who were stationed to wait the approach of the enemy, 
seized the pass, and having occupied the heights, descended 
in the morning into the plains on the side of Brooklyn 
Having thus turned the American position two miles in the 
rear of the detachment of Colonel Miles, he fell upon their 
left, which was engaged with the Hessians. The sound of 
the cannon was the first intelligence they had of this fatal 
disaster, and they immediately broke and endeavoured to 
reach the camp. In this they were intercepted by General 
Clinton, and driven back upon the Hessians ; and thus 
several times they were charged with great fury on both 
sides, and finally hemmed in by the English and Hessians, 
advancing in opposite directions. Some regiments, concen- 
trating themselves, made a desperate charge, and cutting 
Iheir way through the enemy with great loss, reached the 
camp. The broken troops still maintained some skirmishing 
fights, along the hills and ravines, but the American left and 
centre were totally routed. 

The right under Lord Sterling continued to maintain a 
::esolute conflict with the British left, for six hours, until the 
victorious troops under Clinton had traversed their rear and 
surrounded them. A gallant charge was made by Sterling, 



'Wft HISTORY OF THE 

in person, at the head of the Maryland regiment, which 
behaved with extraordinary covirage, and were nearly all 
cut to pieces. The charge had nearly succeeded in routing 
Cornwallis in person, when overwhelming succors arrived, 
and the brave detachment were either cut to pieces or made 
prisoners. A retreat had been ordered, and this spirited 
assault gave opportunity for a large proportion of the troops 
to escape. The loss was however great; many were drowned 
in attempting to cross the creek in their rear, and not a few 
were stifled in the mud. 

In the heat of the action, Washington passed over to 
Brooklyn, to aid in rallying the soldiers, but the defeat was 
irreparable. He was compelled to witness the slaughter of 
his best troops, without the possibility of saving them, or 
remedying the disasters of the day. The enemy pursued 
the routed Americans to the lines at Brooklyn, but did not 
attempt an assault. On the next day, determining to carry 
the works by regular approaches, ground was broke within 
a few hundred yards of a redoubt. 

General Washington was anxious for an assault upon his 
entrenchments by the British. The greater part of his troops 
had been transported to the Island, and he knew how much 
better they could be depended upon for the repulse of an 
assault, and the defence of tbrtifications, than for manoeuvres 
in the open field. But he was no less sensible that his position 
could not be kept against a regular siege by an enemy so 
superior in numbers, and well provided with all the mate- 
rials and tools. Heavy rains continued to fall, and his men 
were without tents and shelter. The fleet of the enemy too, 
had made movements indicating a design to force a passage 
up the East river, and thus cut off the communication with 
the city of New York. Had such a plan succeeded, the 
situation of the army would have been desperate. An im- 
mediate retreat from the Island was thereupon determined 
on, and was accordingly executed on the evening of the 
29th, with extraordinary secrecy and celerity, and complete 
success. The embarcation commenced soon after dark, at 
I two points, under the direction of Gen. M'Dougal and 

"I Col. Knox. The precise object of the expedition was 
carefully concealed from the troops themselves ; and in the 
space of thirteen hours, an army of nine thousar^d men, with 
all their field artillery, tents, baggage, and camp equipage, 
were conveyed over the East river to the city of New York, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 161 

a river nearly a mile wide, without the knowledge or suspi- 
cion of the British, who were at work not more than five 
hundred yards distant. The commencement of the embar- 
cation had been unpropitious : the state of the tide and the 
prevalence of a strong northeast wind, made their sail-boats 
useless, and the number of row-boats was totally inadequate 
About eleven o'clock, with the change of tide, the wind 
changed to the southeast, Avhich made the communication 
easy and rapid. Very luckily, towards morning, a thick fog, 
an unusual appearance, sprung up and covered the shores, 
under the protection of which, the retreat was carried on 
undiscovered by the enemy, for some hours after the dawn 
of day. By a mistake in the transmission of orders, the 
American lines were totally evacuated for three quarters of 
an hour before the embarcation was complete ; but the 
British, though actually at work at a short distance, did not 
jierceive it; and General Mitflin returned and re-occupied 
them until every thing except some heavy pieces of ord- 
nance was removed, and then got off safe with his own 
detachment. When the fog finally cleared off, the last boat- 
load of the rearguard were seen crossing the river, out of the 
reach of the enemy's fire. 

The consequences of the battle of Long Island, and the 
retreat, were very- dispiriting to the American general, and 
cast a most gloomy cloud over American affairs. The troops 
lost confidence in themselves and distrusted their officers. 
They became desponding, intractable — sometimes almost 
mutinous, and deserted in great numbers. Whole companies 
and sometimes regiments abandoned the army en masse. 
General Washington became early impressed with the con-'-' 
viction that the city could not be maintained, and the move- 
ments of the enemy strengthened him daily in this belief. 
They were making approaches by their ships up both rivers 
and it was doubtful whether their intention was to assault 
the lines, or to land at Kingsbridge, where the island of 
New York is connected with the main land, and thus en-" 
close the Americans. To guard against the imminent danger, 
the stores, not of pressing necessity, were removed to Dobbs* 
Ferry, beyond Kingsbridge, and about twenty-six miles 
from New York; and on the 7th of September, a council of 
war was held to deliberate upon the expediency | 
of the retreat. A majority decided against that [ 
measure, ^nd voted to carry on a war of posts, in order, if 



ffg HISTORY OF THE 

possible, to detain the enemy during the remainder of the 
campaign, in the struggle to possess York Island. The ques- 
tion was seriously agitated, whether, if compelled to abandon 
the city, it would not be proper to burn it, in order to 
deprive the enemy of all advantage in possessing it. On the 
I2th, a second council of war determined in favour of ini 
mediate evacuation. This was hastened by the landing of a 
considerable force at Kipp's Bay, a day or two afterwards, 
and a defeat which the Americans sustained there. 

General Howe landed a detachment, under cover of seve- 
ral men-of-war, on the east side of New York Island, on the 
15th September, about three miles above the city, between 
South Bay and Kipp's Bay. Works had been erected to oppose 
them, and troops stationed there sufficient to oppose the land- 
ing, until reinforcements could arrive ; but at the first ap- 
proach of the British, the works were shamefidly abandoned 
without the firing of a single gun in defence. Two brigades 
had been sent to support them ; and Washington followed in 
person, to retrieve the disasters and animate the troops. His 
efforts were in vain — he met the whole party in precipitate 
and cowanlly flight from an inconsiderable number of the 
enemy; and neither exhortations, entreaties, menaces, nor 
violence, could induce them to rally. He threatened and 
expostulated ; and, with an excitement unusual in his steady 
and well-tempered mind, attempted to cut down some of the 
most eager in flight ; and finally, losing his self-possession, 
hazarded his own person in front of the pursuing enemy, 
and was scarcely restrained from rashly throwing away his 
own life in a desperate attempt to check the dastardly flight 
of his soldiers. He was led unwillingly off of the field by 
his aids and confidential friends, in great distress of mind. 
On this only occasion, in his whole public career, did he 
juflfer his feelings to overcome the firmness of his temper. 

In consequence of this failure, the evacuation of the city 
was made in haste. It was accomplished with little loss of 
men; but most of the heavy artillery and some stores were 
I unavoidably ]ei\ behind, and the city was imme- 
[ diately occupied by General Howe. The forces 
which had retreated from Kipp's Bay, took up their position 
at Harlaem, where the rear guard, under General Putnam, 
joined them, from the city, having eluded the British by 
avoiding the main road, and directing their march along the 
banks of the North river. The new British position extended 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 1(53 

across the island, at Bloomingdale, about five miles north of 
the city. The encampment was flanked on each extreme 
by the North and East rivers, and covered by ships of \va' 
The Americans M-ere posted in their greatest strength at 
Kingsbridge, which secured their communications with the 
country. M'Gowan's Pass and Morris Heights were alsc 
fortified ; and a camp fortified and garrisoned at Harlten 
Heights, within a mile and a half of the enemy. The day 
after the retreat from New York, a skirmish took place 
between advanced parties of the armies, in which the Ame 
ricans behaved with great intrepidity, and gained a decided 
advantage over the enemy. The troops engaged were rangers 
under the command of Colonel Knowlton, of Connecticut, 
and three Virginia companies under Major Leitch. Both of 
these officers fell mortally wounded; but their soldiers gal- 
lantly continued the attack, and drove a superior force of the 
enemy from their position, with considerable loss. The 
benefit of this affair was gieat in inspiriting the army, and 
reviving their confidence in themselves. 

The royal commissioners. Admiral and General How( 
foiled in their attempt at negotiation with the authoritie^ 
of the new States, commenced addressing themselves directly 
to the people, promising in behalf of the» king, a revisioi. 
of all the regulations in trade, and a general reconside 
ration of all acts by which the Americans might think 
themselves aggrieved. Under two successive proclamations 
of this kind, a number of timid citizens of New York, 
impelled perhaps by the gloomy state of the affairs of 
Independence, signed declarations of allegiance, and pre- 
sented petitions praying to be received into his majesty'* 
peace and protection. Congress, to counteract this tendency, 
established an American Oath of Allegiance, requiring of 
every officer to acknowledge the thirteen United States a* 
" free, independent, and sovereign States, and to abjure all 
allegiance or obedience to the king of Great Britain." 
Other royal proclamations followed, charging and command-' 
ing all persons assembled in arms against his majesty's 
government to disperse, and return to their dwellings; and 
ordering all conventions and congresses to desist from their 
treasonable proceedings, and relinquish their " usurped au- 
thority." Full pardons were promised to all who should 
subscribe the declaration of allegiance within thirty days; 
under advantage of which many Americans, in the imm«-^ 



VSi HISTORY OF THE 

diate vicinity of the British troops, and anfiong them Gralloway 
and Allen, who were members of congress in 1774, abandoned 
their country and joined the British standard. Counter proc- 
lamations were issued by Washington, under the directions 
of Congress, granting liberty to those who preferred "the 
interest and protection of Great Britain to the freedom and 
happiness of their country," to withdraw within the enemy's 
lines, but demanding the surrender of all British protections 
within thirty days, at head quarters, under penalty of being 
considered "common enemies of the American states." 

The line was most rigidly drawn between the friends and 
enemies of Independence; and the determination of Con- 
gress and the Commander-in-chief grew more resolute as 
the war grow more adverse. 

The two armies continued without change of position for 
some weeks : from the 15th of September, when the cit}- was 
occupied by the British, till the middle of October. The ardu- 
ous and embarrassing duties of the field were not the 
most trying of the ditficulties w^hich engaged the time and 
attention of Washington. The deplorable situation of the 
army, which was constantly on the point of dissolution from 
defect of organization, and want of almost every necessary, 
was a distressing subject of representation to Congress in his 
daily letters and remonstrances. The time for which enlist- 
ments had been made, was rapidly passing, and the mis- 
fortunes of the campaign had discouraged many even of the 
most ardent. The imprudence with which Congress had 
relied upon the enthusiasm of the people, to re-fill the ranks at 
short periods, combined with the expectation of a speedy end 
to the conflict, — an expectation which Avas now weakened if 
not totally destroyed, — had left them the prospect of being 
deserted by tlie army precisely at the moment when affairs 
were most gloomy, and a united effort was most necessary. 
The mischiefs of this temporizing plan at last forced the con- 
viction upon Congress, that the cause of American liberty 
must be despaired of unless a permanent force could be 
depended upon, till the end of the Avar. At last, on the 16th 
of September, they passed a resolution for the formation of a 
regular_^army, to be enlisted to serve during the war. This 
was afterwards modified so as to admit of engagements for 
three yearsor during the war. The inadequacy of the pay 
and emoluments, which had formed an anxious subject of 
representation by Washington, was taken into consideration. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 165 

and a scale adopted more likely to give the service an honor- 
able and efficient character. A bounty of twenty doll8U"s to 
privates and non-commissioned officers was agreed upon ; 
and grants of land to officers and soldiers who served out the 
whole enlistment, promised in the following proportions :— • 
Five hundred acres to a Colonel ; four hundred and fifty to 
a Lieutenant Colonel; four hundred to a Major; three hun- 
dred to a Captain ; two hundred to a Lieutenant; one hun- 
dred and fifty to an Ensign ; and one hundred to non-com- 
missioned officers and privates. The appointment of all, 
except general officers, and the filling of vacancies was left 
to the state governments. Each st^te was to provide arms, 
and clothing, and every necessary for its quota, to be deducted 
from the pay of the soldiers. The army was to consist 
of eighty-eight battalions, furaislied thus: — New Hamp- 
shire, three battalions ; Massachusetts Bay, fifteen ; Rhode 
Island, two; Connecticut, eight; New York, four; New 
Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, twelve ; Delaware, one ; Mary- 
land, eight; Virginia, fifteen; North Carolina, nine; South 
Carolina, six ; Georgia, one. 

These vigorous measures wei"e, in the end, of material 
advantage ; but the effect could not be immediate. They 
were not adopted till late in the year, and in the interval 
the deepest distress prevailed in every department of public 
service. The winter was approaching, and the few necessaries 
and clothing of the soldiery were not only meager in quantity 
and kind, but totally unfitted for the rigors of the season. 

The dignity and firmness of Congress, under these adverse 
circumstances, was equally sustained in a contemporary cor 
respondence with X,ord Howe, on the subject of an accommo 
dation of the difficulties, opened by him immediately after the 
battle of Long Island. General Sullivan, who had been taken 
prisoner, was paroled by the British general, and entrusted 
with a verbal message to Congress to the effect, that he 
could not treat with them in that character then ; that he was 
extremely anxious to come to some accommodation speedily, 
while, as yet, no decisive advantage had been gained by 
either party, and it could not be said that either had been 
conquered into acquiescence or submission ; that he would 
hold a conference with any of their members as private gen- 
tlemen ; that he was, with the admiral, fully authorized to 
settle all differences in an honorable manner ; that, were they 
to treat, many things which the Americans had not yet asked, 



166 •''■ HISTORY OF THE 

might and ought to be granted ; and if upon a conference 
there appeared any probable ground of accommodation, that 
the authority of Congress would be afterwards acknowledged 
to render the treaty complete. General Sullivan communicated 
this message to Congress, on the '2d of September, and was 
directed to reduce it to writing. At the same time, tidintjs 
of the disastrous result of the battle and the retreat of the 
arthy were officially communicated: but Congress stood fast 
g in their determination. Three days afterwards they 

directed General Sullivan to communicate to Lord 
Howe their reply — that " Congress, being the representatives 
of the free-and independent states of America, they cannot 
with propriety send any of their members to confer with his 
lordship in their private characters ; but that, ever desirous 
of establishing a peace on reasonable terms, they will send a 
committee of their body to know whether he has any autho- 
rity to treat with persons authorized by Congress, for that 
purpose, in behalf of America, and what that authority is; 
and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make 
concerning the same." 

Doctor Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, 
were appointed the commissioners, and they accordingly 
met Lord Howe by appointment, at Staten Island, a few 
I days after. The conference was conducted with 
I perfect courtes}'' and dignity by both parties, and 
ended, as w'as expected, by the American envoys, without 
any approach to an accommodation. In their report to Con- 
gress they stated, that it did not appear that his lordship's 
commission contained any other authority than that contain- 
ed in the act of parliament, w'hich was merely a power to 
grant pardons and offer amnesty on submission. They 
concluded with expressing the opinion, that '•' any expecta- 
tion from the effort of such a power would have been too 
uncertain and precarious to be relied upon by America, even 
had she continued in her state of dependence." Howe put an 
end to the conference by expressing a regard for the Ameri- 
cans, and the extreme pain he should suffer, in being compel- 
led to indict upon them the calamities of war. Doctor Frank- 
lin replied by thapking him for his civility, and promising him 
in return, " that (he Americans would show^ their gratitude 
by endeavoring to lessen, as much as possible, all the pain 
he might feel on their account, by exerting their utmost 
abilitres to take gr»od care of themselves." Congress approved 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 1©7 

of the conduct and language of their delegates ; and the 
issue of the conference, was beneficial to the general cause.- 
The firmness of the leaders of the revolution was tried and' 
found immovable. The final concessions of the British^ 
were made, and instantly rejected, as totally inadequate to- 
the universal demands of the country in the most disheart- 
ening circumstances. The magnanimous determination, not 
to negotiate for worse terms after defeat, than had been de- 
manded before the battle, raised the moral character of the 
contest and of the actors, and infused a loftier spirit into 
the public councils. 

In the month of October, the military afFairs of the Slates 
assumed a still more gloomy aspect, from the increase of 
the British force, by the arrival of the additional Hessian 
regiments. The army of Howe then amounted to about thirty- 
seven thousand men, and he soon after resolved upon more 
active measures to compel the Americans to abandon their 
fortified camp. He prudently determined not to try an as- 
sault upon their position ; but having by means of his fieet, 
and his great superiority in numbers, the command of both 
rivers, he adopted the plan of transporting part of his army 
above Kingsbridge and forming an encampment in the 
rear of the American lines. Had this plan succeeded, Wash- 
ington would have been completely cut off from all com- 
munication with the country, and forced to fight a general 
battle at an immense disadvantage. Having fortified Gow- 
an's hill, and left a strong force, consisting of English and 
Hessian troops, under the command of Lord Percy, for the 
defence of New York, Howe dispatched three frigates up the 
North river, to interrupt the American communications with 
New Jersey. They forced their way without much injury, 
past the American forts Lee and Washington, and without im- 
pediment from the cheveaux-de-frise that had been sunk in the 
river. The great body of his troops were then embarked in flat 
bottom boats, on the East river, and passing through 
Hurlgate were landed at Throgg's Neck, in West- 
chester county, near the village of Westchester. He dela3'ed< 
there till the 18th, in recruiting his troops, and repairing the 
roads and bridges, which had been broken up by the Americans. 
This movement produced an immediate change in the position 
of the American army. General Lee had arrived in the camp,- 
and at a council of war, held on the 16th, he urged the evac- 
uation of the whole island at once, and the retreat of thef' 



168 HISTORY OF THE 

army to Westchester. Lee also advised the evacuation of 
Fort Washington, and Washington was inclined to the same 
opinion ; but the advice of General Greene prevailed, and it 
was determined to leave that garrison, consisting of three 
thousand men, to withstand and retard the operations of 
the enemy, and aid, in conjunction with Fort Lee, on the 
Jersey side, in keeping the navigation of the river open for 
the transportation of supplies. With the exception of these 
forts, the whole force was accordingly withdrawn from the 
island of New York, and extended along the North river, 
towards White Plains, its left always reaching beyond the 
British right. During this change, Washington continually 
presented a front to the enemy, who had commenced their 
advance towards New Rochelle, on the 18th, thus protecting 
his rear, along which the sick, the baggage, cannon, ammu- 
nition, and stores, were transported in comparative safety. 

His line then presented a chain of small, entrenched and 
unconnected camps, occupying successively every height 
and rising ground, from Valentine's Hill, about a mile from 
Kingsbridge, on the right, extending almost to White Plains 
on the left. 

Numerous skirmishes took place, between small parties of 
the troops, until the 25th, on which day General Howe 
advanced his whole force, taking a strong position on 
I the river Bronx, and made demonstrations of a 
j design to attack the American camp. He threw 
forward a large corps of English and Hessians under Gene- 
ral Leslie, and Colonels Donop, and Rahl, to drive a force 
of sixteen hundred men under General McDougal, from a 
commanding eminence on the opposite side of the river, 
and thus open a way for an assault on the centre and right 
of the main body. The defence was maintained with great 
spirit, but finally the American were overpowered and driven 
in with great loss. The day was however so far spent in 
the struggle, that General Howe could not follow up the 
attack. He kept his army under arms in front of the Amer- 
ican lines, ready to renew the fight in the morning. Dur- 
ing the night VVashington changed his front, his left keep- 
ing their post, while the right fell back, and entrenched 
themselves on a range of hills, in a position too strong to be 
assailed. The British general thought it necessary to wait 
for a reinforcement from New York, before he prosecuted 
his march, ajid drew off his forces towards Dobb's Ferry. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 169 

A heavy rain which fell a day or two afterwards, further 
postponed his designs. On the first of November, he had 
made his preparations for an attack, aiming evidently to 
secure the high grounds in the American rear. But 
the night previous, Washington, who had anticipated this 
movement, secured his baggage and stores, and suddenly 
changed his camp again, taking up a very strong ground at 
North Castle, about five miles from White Plains. On the 
following morning the English took possession of the Amer- 
ican camp ; and finding it impossible to force the Americans 
to fight a general battle, except upon the most unequal terms, 
General Howe, a fevi'^days afterwards, discontinued his pur- 
suit, and turned his forces against the fortressess still in the 
occupation of the Americans in the neighbourhood of New 
York. The principal of these was Fort Washington, on the 
New York side of the North river, against which the first 
efforts were directed. The fate of this post was looked to 
with great anxiety by General Washington. To General 
Greene, to whom the command of that portion of the army 
had been committed, he gav'^ discretionary powers, advising 
him to evacuate the fort in case he should find it not in a 
situation to sustain an assault. Greene thought the fort tena- 
ble, and retreat to the opposite bank of the river, to Fort Lee, 
practicable, in case of extremity, and determined to sustain 
the attack. The anxiety of Washington increased, and leav- 
ing General Lee in command of the eastern militia, on the 
left bank of the HudsoH, and securing the strong positions 
at Peekskill and on Croton river, he crossed to New Jersey 
with the main body of the army, and went to join the camp 
of General Greene at Fort Lee. He called upon the gover- 
nor of New Jersey to hold the militia in readiness, and 
directed the removal of the stores and heavy baggage to a 
safe distance. These precautions were hardl}^ taken, before 
the English army was concentrated towards the fort, and on 
the 15th, it was invested, and the garrison, under the com- 
mand of Colonel Magaw, summoned to surrender. On his 
refusal, with a declaration of his resolution to | 
resist to the last extremity, the besiegers proceed- | °'''' ''' 
ed to the assault in four divisions. The first in the north was 
commanded by General Kniphausen, and was composed of 
Hessians ; the second, on the eastern side, was made by 
two battalions of guards, supported by Lord Cornwallis, with 
a body of grenadiers and the thirty-third regiment. These 

P 



iTtf HISTORY OF THE 

two parties crossed Haerlem creek, in boats, and landed on 
the American right. The third attack, meant as a feint, was 
conducted by Lieutenant Colonel Stirling, with the forty 
second. The fourth division was under Lord Percy, with 
his reinforcements from the south of the island. Each party 
was supported by a powerful and well served artillery. 

Soon after daybreak the next morning the firing com- 
menced, and continued during a great part of the day. The 
Hessian division, moving down from Kingsbridge, penetrated 
in two columns, the first of which ascended the hill circuit- 
ously, and having forced the American outworks, formed 
within a hundred yards of the covered way in front. The 
other column climbed the hill in a direct line, through a wood, 
occupied by Colonel Rawliog's regiment of riflemen, and 
after hard fighting and some severe repulses, drove in the 
American defenders into the fort. Lord Percy assaulted 
the works on the south, and while he was engaged with the 
first line of defence, the third division had succeeded in 
forcing a landing against a heavy cannonading, and pene- 
trated with great dilFiculty against an obstinate defence, into 
the second line, thus intercepting the American force, and 
making numerous prisoners. On all sides the American out- 
works were forced, and the whole garrison driven within the 
walls of the fort, or under tlie guns. The British general 
again summoned Colonel Magaw to surrender. Finding the 
post no longer tenable against such a superior force, he sur- 
rendered himself and the garrison prisoners of war, and gave 
up the Fort. -The number of prisoners was stated by Wash- 
ington in his offical account at 2000. The British account 
made it 2600. The difference is accounted for on the sup- 
position that Washington only included the regular troops. 
Much censure was cast upon the Commandant for his mode 
of defence, and his preci])itation in yielding. Notice was 
sent him by Washington to hold out until evening, when 
measures would be taken to bring him off, but the negotia- 
tions had proceeded too far to allow of retracting, had the 
situation of the garrison rendered it possible. The Ameri- 
can general has also been censured, for not ordering the eva- 
cuation of the Fort, as soon as it had been rendered useless 
by the occupation of the country above by the enemy. 
The error in Washington was not in misunderstanding the 
proper military movements, but in allowing his own judg- 
ment to be overruled by others. He was opposed to the 



Nov. 18. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 171 

plan of maintaining the fort, recommended to the council of 
war, and carried by Greene, but yielded to the majority. 

The immediate abandonment of Fort Lee became neces- 
sary, and orders were issued for the removal of the stores and 
ammunition. But Lord Cornwallis crossed the river above 
so promptly with a large force amounting to 6000 
men, that an instant retreat was ordered, with the 
loss of stores, ammunition, tents, and camp equipage, to a 
very large amount. The Americans retired precipitately 
behind the Hackensack river, with daily diminishing forces. 
The losses at Forts Washington and Lee had had a most 
disheartening effect, and the troops deserted or abandoned 
their commander, in large numbers daily. Not more than 
three thousand could be mustered on commencing the re- 
treat through Jersey, and they were miserably clothed, des- 
titute of provisions, pay, tents, ammunition, and of the greater 
number the term of service was nearly up, and no persua- 
sions could prevail upon them to re-enlist. The troops of 
the Northern army under General Schuyler were ardered to 
join, but the term of service expired before they reached 
the encampment, and few remained. Earnest calls Avere 
made on. the States for quotas of militia, but ineffectually. 
General Armstrong was dispatched to the interior of Pennsyl- 
vania, General Mifflin to Philadelphia, and Colonel Read to 
the interior of New Jersey, to procure reinforcements, and per- 
emptory and repeated orders were dispatched to Gen. Lee, 
who had been left in New York, to cross the Hudson and 
join Washington with his troops. He delayed obeying, and 
at last, after entering New Jersey, carelessly taking up his 
quarters at a distance from his soldiers, he was surprised and 
taken prisoner by a party of British dragoons. This how- 
ever did not take place till the 13th of December, after 
Washington had crossed the Delaware, where General Sulli- 
van led the detachment to join the Commander-in-chief. 

The retreat through the Jerseys to the crossing of the 
Delaware was the most disastrous period of the war. A 
scanty, destitute, desponding and diminishing force, scarcely 
amounting to three thousand at the highest, was pushed by 
a triumphant, well disciplined, and abundantly supplied 
army of thirty thousand. As the British advanced, the Ameri- 
cans retreated towards the Delaware, occasionally making 
a stand to show a front to the enemy and retard his advance. 
It frequently happened, that as the rear of the Americans 



ITS HISTORY OF THE 

left a village on one side, the advance guard of the British 
entered it at the other. The last proclamation of the Howes 
appeared during this gloomy retreat, and produced consid- 
erable defection on the line of march. To add to the em- 
barrassments of the American general, an insurrection broke 
out in Monmouth county, which required the aid of a party 
of his troops to repress it. The only encouraging circum- 
stance, in the distressing time, was the arrival of some rein- 
forcements from Philadelphia, with which he kept the Brit- 
ish in check for a short time, and pressed forward upon 
Princeton, to give an opportunity for conveying his sick, 
stores, and baggage, such as were left him, across the Dela- 
ware. 

Affairs prospered no better with the Americans in other 
quarters. 

On the very day that Washington crossed the Delaware, 
General Clinton, with two brigades of British and two of 
Hessian troops, and the squadron under Sir Peter Parker, took 
possession of Newport in Rhode Island, and blockaded Com- 
modore Hopkins, with his squadron and a number of pri- 
vateers, in Providence. The chief object of this movement 
was to prevent the New England states from reinforcing 
Washington. It had that effect — six thousand troops 
under General Lincoln, which were aheady on the march, 
were detained to watch the enemy at home. Another ob- 
ject was to interrupt the privateering business ; this also was 
effected. But such inconsiderable objects were purchased 
too dearly. From three to five thousand of the best British 
troops we.re kept in a state of inactivity for nearly three years. 

By the approach of the British arm}', the deliberations of 
Congress were disturbed, and on the l-2th of December they 
adjourned from Philadelphia to Baltimore, where they met 
on the 20th. Before their adjournment they vested General 
Washington with almost unlimited powers, " to order and 
direct all things relating to the department, and^to the opera- 
tions of war." They especially authorized him to levy six- 
teen additional battalions of infantry, three regiments of 
artillery, three thousand light-horse, and a corps of engineers, 
to appoint officers, establish their pay, to call the militia 
into service, and, in short, gave to him the absolute direction 
of mihtary affairs for six months. The other proceedings of 
Congress, will be noticed after bringing up to this date, the 
military events of the Northern frontier, where the British 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 173 

General Carleton had in the early part of the season, expel- 
led the Americans under Arnold from Canada, and driven 
them into Ticonderoga on Lake Champlain. 

General Gates, who assumed the command, fortified the 
post, and garrisoned it with about twelve thousand men. 

The command of the Lakes George and Champlain was 
of the highest importance, for from that point to New York, 
a chain of British communications would effectually sepa- 
rate the Eastern and Middle States, and enable the royai 
troops to overrun either at pleasure, without the possibility 
of their co-operating for defence. The evacuation of Crown 
Point by the main body, leaving only a garrison there, and 
the selection of Ticonderoga as the point upon which to fall 
back, had been disapproved of by several American officers, 
and did not meet Avith Washington's approbation. In con- 
formity with the design of maintaining the naval superiority 
on the Lake, General Gates with vast labor collected a fleet 
of sixteen vessels, consisting of one sloop, three schooners, 
one cutter, three gallies and eight barges or gondolas, the 
whole carrying fifty-six guns, eighty-six swivels, and four 
hundred men. The command was given to Colonel Arnold. 
The plans of the British were no less energetically pursued, and 
their means were more ample than those of the Americans. 
They did not pursue the Americans beyond Crown Point, 
but bent all their efforts to acquire such a preponderance of 
naval force, that they could drive them at once from their 
positions, force their way to Albany, and form a complete 
junction with Lord Howe's army at New York. In less 
than three months a powerful fleet was constructed and 
equipped. The materials for some of the largest vessels were 
brought from England, and time and great labour were 
required to put them into a state for use. Gondolas, boats 
and batteaux, and vessels of larger size, containing materi- 
als, muniments, and stores, were dragged up the rapids, and 
about the first of October, a large British squadron | 
was afloat on Lake Champlain. It consisted of the j 
Inflexible, a ship carrying eighteen twelves, two schooners, 
the Carlton and the Maria, carrying twelve and fourteen 
guns, a flat-bottomed boat carrying twelve guns besides 
howitzers, a gondola carrying seven nine pounders, twenty 
gunboats carrying each a brass field piece, from nine to 
twenty-four pounders ; some large boats acting as tenders, 
with each a carriage gun, and a large number of small vessels 



174 HISTORY OF THE 

prepared for the transportation of the army and stores. This 
fleet was navigated by seven hundred prime seamen ; of 
whom two hundred were volunteers from the transports ; was 
commanded by Captain Pringle, an experienced and gallant 
officer : and the guns were served by detachments from the 
artillery corps. 

The American force was inferior in number, but could 
not avoid an action, which commenced under favorable 
o t 11 I circumstances on the 11th of October. The wind 
I was unfavorable to the British, and the Inflexible 
and other vessels of force could not be brought into action. 
The combat was thus rendered more equal, and continued 
with great fierceness for four hours. The principal damage 
to the Americans was the loss of a schooner and a gondola 
Two of the British gondolas were sunk, one blown up, and 
the rest sullered severely. The commander finding it 
impossible to bring his whole strength advantageously into 
action, drew ofl' bis vessels at night, preparing to make a 
general attack the next day, if the wind should prove more 
favorable. Arnold, during the night, which was dark and 
foggy, by a bold and well executed manoeuvre, run through 
the enemy's line, and by morning had escaped, with his 
whole fleet, out of sight. The wind freshened in that direc- 
tion and Captain Pringle made sail with all speed, and after 
several days' chase, overtook the Americans before they had 
reached Crown Point, 'and brought them to action again. 
Some of the American vessels, by superiority of sailing 
escaped to Ticonderoga, but two gallies and five gondolas 
maintained the fight with an intrepidity approaching to 
desperation. One of the gallies having struck, Arnold 
conceived a gallant movement, and carried it into execution 
with singular courage, promptness and address. Deter- 
mined that the enemy should not possess his ve^isels, nor 
capture the crews, he run his galley, followed by the gon- 
dolas, on shore, in such a situation that he could land the men, 
and blow up the vessels. The enterprise was perilous, but 
was completely successful. Paying a romantic attention to a 
point of honor, he resolved not to strike his flag, nor permit 
it to be struck, by the British, and never abandoned his 
galley till she was completely in flames. With the remnant 
of his force he reached Ticonderoga, Crown Point was aban- 
doned to the enemy, and the American naval force 
having beea reduced to two gallies, two schooners, orq 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 175 

sloop, and a gondola, the British were undisputed masters- 
of the Lake. A change in the wind prevented their advance 
to the works at Ticonderoga, for eight days, which interval 
was busily employed by Generals Gates and Schuyler in 
strengthening the defences. Having taken possession of 
Crown Point, General Carleton advanced a part of his fleet, 
and put his land forces in motion on both sides of the Lake, 
apparently with a view of besieging the post. The garrison 
were deficient in ammunition and supplies, and by no means 
in a condition to resist a vigorous siege by a superior force, 
for any great length of time, but happily these circumstances 
were unknown in their full extent to the enemy, and the 
lateness of the season, and the apparent strength of the 
works, induced General Carleton, after reconnoitering them, 
to re-embark his army and return to Canada, where he went 
into winter quarters. 

When the commanders were assured that there was no 
danger of any further attack from the Canada side, they 
despatched a large reinforcement to General Washing- 
ton, then retreating before Lords Howe and Cornwallis, 
through the Jerseys. Very few of these troops reached 
their destination, having abandoned their officers by the 
way ; and General St. Clair, with the officers and some 
scanty followers, were all that ever appeared in the camp of 
Washington. 

Thus disheartening were the prospects of American free- 
dom, in the middle, of December 1776. The British forces 
had occupied nearly the whole of two powerful States, and 
had pursued a harassed, barefooted, destitute, almost dis- 
banded, and daily diminishing army, from spot to spot, 
until a short pause was made on the banks of the Delaware, 
from the difficulty which was found in transporting the pur- 
suing army over. On that day a return of the American 
forces made to Congress, showed that Washington could not 
muster more than thirty-three hundred men. After crossing, 
their numbers were little more than two thousand, and of 
these, the rapid deductions by desertion, and the expiration of 
the term of enhstment, left him an average force not exceed- 
ing sixteen hundred. Indeed, one of his official letters, dated 
the ^4th of December, rated his whole strength at fourteen 
or fifteen hundred, hourly diminishing. 

At this gloomy period, when defection was busy every 
where, and defeat seemed to menace the arms of the new 



176 HISTORY OP THE 

States in all directions, and before the eyes of the most 
zealous patriots no hope remained, but of a long, danger- 
ous, doubtful, and bloody contest, the courage of Congress and 
the Commander-in-chief, never quailed. Counting on the 
necessity of further retreats and sullering in the midst of 
this wretched campaign, Washington asked of Colonel Reed, 
whether the upper counties of Pennsylvania Avould support 
their cause, if they were compelled to fall back so far. The 
Colonel doubted whether, if the lower counties were sub- 
dued, the upper parts of the state would hold out. The 
reply of Washington was memorable : ' We must then retire 
to Augusta County in Virginia ; numbers will be obhged to 
repair to us fof safety, and we must try what we can do in 
carrying on a predatory war. If overpowered there, we 
must cross the Alleghanys.' 

Congress were fired with a similar determination. On the 
tenth of December, the}' made an animated appeal to the 
States, betraying no symptoms of despair ; they spoke 
in terms of ardor of the ultimate success of the glorious 
struggle, and urged a manly fortitude in resisting the influ- 
ence of temporary distresses, and a zeal commensurate with 
the inestimable rights and liberties at stake. An address 
adopted by the New York Convention, at that critical 
period, was admirably calculated to produce effect upon the 
minds of the people of other states. The enemy was 
within their borders ; their rich capital was occupied by 
his armies ; another army was prepared on their Northern 
frontier, and their slender troops were flying from the over- 
whelming force, which was gathering around them. In this 
posture, the New York patriots called upon their fellow-citi- 
zens, by every thing they held dear in hfe, to support their 
rights and save their country. With lofty reliance on the 
certainty of ultimate triumph, they recalled the noble con- 
duct of the ancient Romans, under adverse fortune. They 
said : — " After the armies of Rome had been repeatedly de- 
feated by Hannibal, that imperial city Avas besieged by this 
brave and experienced general, at the head of a numerous 
and victorious army. But so far were her glorious citizens 
from being discouraged by the loss of so many battles, and 
of all their country, so confident of their own virtue and of 
the protection of heaven, that the very land upon which the 
Carthagenians were encamped was sold at public auction 
fpr more than the usual price. " 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 177 

" These heroic citizens disdained to receive his protection 
or regard his proclamations. They remembered thattheir 
ancestors left them free, ancestors who had bled in rescuing 
their country from the tyranny of kings. They invoked 
the protection of the Supreme Being; they bravely defended 
iheir city with undaunted resolution, they repelled the 
enemy, and recovered their country. " The author of the 
address was John Jay. It was not only approved of by a 
special vote of Congress, but ordered to be translated^ into 
the German language, and circulated at the expense of the 
United States. 

After the removal to Baltimore, and the conferring of the 
unlimited powers already mentioned upon Washington, 
Congress adopted other means for recruiting the army, by 
offering bounties and rewards, and to provide pecuniary re- 
sources, by large paper emissions, pledging the faith of the 
United States for its redemption. Hard measures, ill-advised 
and of mischievous consequences, were soon adopted, to sus- 
tain the credit of this paper, and prevent its depreciation. 
This part of the civil history of the day belongs however to 
another part of the subject. 

On no occasion, and by no set of men, in authority in 
this depressed condition, was the idea suggested, of accept- 
ing peace, by making any conditions whatever with Great 
Britain. In the discussions which frequently occupied 
Congress, on the subject of obtaining French assistance, it 
was several times proposed to offer France, as a compensa- 
tion for her aid in establishing Independence, a monopoly 
of commerce, such as Great Britain had enjoyed. This 
was refused, and all modifications, offering her peculiar ad- 
vantages of trade, also refused, upon the principal ground 
that it would endanger the union of the people in favor of 
independence, by destroying the force of the chief argu- 
ments against British supremacy. A stronger inducement 
for French aid, and one more consonant with the principles 
of the Revolution, was thought to be, the determination 
to abide by their Declaration at all hazards, and to convince 
the French court of the impossibility of their returning under 
British subjection. The occasion of the publication in Eng- 
land of some intercepted despatches sent to American agents 
at European courts, was embraced by the American Con- 
gress to reiterate, in a formal resolution, passed in the worst 
and darkest times, that they would listen to no terms of 



I7S9 HISTORY OF THE 

union with Great Britain, that should deprive other nations of 
a free trade in American ports. 

The most energetic measures were at the same time pro- 
secuted to secure foreign aUiances, a narrative of which be- 
longs with more propriety, to that of a subsequent period, 
when by successful negotiations, France had been induced 
to furnish them aid. 

The interval of inaction, after the crossing of the Dela- 
ware on the l"2th of December, improved by the energy of 
Congress and the Commander-in-chief, was of vital impor- 
tance to the American cause. What might have been the 
issue had General Howe felt less confident of final triumph 
and less contempt for an exliausted and flying enemy, and 
pushed on resolutely to complete the war at once, it is im- 
possible to conjecture. He certainly had it in his power 
to strike a blow which would have materially changed the 
course of events. But, pau^;^ng to shelter his troops from 
the rigors of the season in winter-quarters, and believing 
the foe hopelessly routed and incapable of action, he extend- 
ed his forces along the left bank of the Delaware ; and, not 
apprehending any molestation, kept negligent watch of the 
motions of Washington. Colonel Rhal, a Hessian oflicer 
of merit, with a corps of Hessian infantry and English dra- 
goons amounting to about fourteen hundred men, were sta- 
tioned at Trenton and Bordentown ; a few miles below was 
occupied by Colonel Donop with another Hessian brigade ; 
and still lower down and within twenty miles of Philadel- 
phia, was another corps of Hessians and English. 

The combined efforts of the civil and military authorities 
had, in the interval, brought considerable reinforcements to 
the army of Washington. The Pennsylvania militia came 
into the field ; the corps of Lee, which on the capture of that 
officer was commanded by Sullivan, joined him, and detach- 
ments from New York, under the orders of General Heath, soon 
came to his aid. About Christmas the army, with these rein- 
forcements, amounted to about ^ei'e/i thousand efiective men, 
when Washington conceived a bold plan of action, which 
changed the face of the war, and in a few days crowned 
the American arms with a series of successes and victories that 
roused and inspirited the people. Observing the scattered 
and loosely guarded positions of the British quarters, he 
determined to make a sudden and daring effort for the pre- 
servation of Philadelphia, and the recovery of New Jersey, 



AMERICAN R'EVOLUTION. 179 

by surprising and sweeping at a stroke all the British 
cantonments upon the Delaware. 

The night of the 25th of December was selected for the 
execution of this scheme. A part of his forces, under the 
command of General Irvine, were directed to cross at Tren- 
ton Ferry, below the town, to secure the bridge, and inter- 
cept the retreat of the enemy in that direction ; General 
Cadwallader was directed to cross at Bristol and carry the 
post at BurUngton. The Commander-in-chief led the main 
body, of tv/enty-four hundred men, across the river at 
McKenkey's Ferry, nine miles above Trenton, to make 
the principal attack. 

The night of the twenty-fifth proved to be intensely cold. 
The Delaware was covered and obstructed with 
ice, and the passage was one of extreme difhculty, 
peril and suffering. The divisions under Irvine and Cad- 
wallader, after the most strenuous efforts, Avere unable to 
cross, and abandoned their parts of this enterprise. Wash- 
ington succeeded, but was delayed much beyond his calcu- 
lations. He had expected to reach Trenton by the dawn 
of day, but it was not until four o'clock that his artillery 
was brought over and the line of march formed, at a distance . 
of nine miles from the enemy's camp. Advancing in two 
bodies, one by the river road to the west side of the town, 
and the other by the Pennington road to the northern 
extremity, the expedition passed on rapidly, with orders to 
drive in the piquet guards on the instant of arrival, and 
attack the town. Washington accompanied the Pennington 
corps, and about eight o'clock both parties made a nearly 
simultaneous assault upon the surprised Hessians. Colonel 
Rhal behaved with great gallantry, and rallied his men for 
the defence of the post, but at the first fire he fell mortally 
wounded; the Hessian artillery was almost immediately 
seized, and the troops, after a random attempt to resist, 
endeavoured to escape towards Princeton. Washington, 
anticipating this movement, had thrown a part of his troops 
before them in that direction, and being thus hemmed in by 
the victorious Americans, about two thirds of them surren- 
dered. A part, consisting of some Hessians and a troop of 
British lighthorse, fled by the Bordentown road ; and in 
consequence of the failure of Cadwallader's division in 
crossing the river, escarped. Twenty-three officers and 
eight hundred and eighty-six men laid down their arms, and 



"^tUKi HISTORT OF THE 

the whole artillery, ammunition, and four stands of colors 
"were taken. Twenty of the Hessians were killed, and 
counting those who had hidden themselves in the houses and 
were afterwards captured, about one thousand prisoners. 
Of the Americans, two privates were killed and two frozen 
to death ; one officer. Colonel Washington, afterwards so 
distinguished in the southern campaign, and several privates 
wounded. 

Not choosing to hazard the fruits of this brilliant victory, 
by further advance in the face of the very superior force which 
it was in the power of the British general to concentrate 
against him, Washington safely recrossed the Delaware. 
Had the other parts of the plan succeeded, the whole of the 
British posts on the Delaware would have shared the fate 
of Trenton. 

The British general, startled at this daring feat, resolved, 
though in the depth of winter, to recommence operations. 
Lord Cornwallis, who was at New York preparing to carry 
to England intelligence of the total subjugation of the 
Americans, hastily returned to New Jersey, and he and 
General Howe, soon threw a powerful force upon Princeton. 

After two or three days rest, having secured his prisoners, 
Washington again passed into New Jersey, and with about 
five thousand men, posted himself again at Trenton. He 
pushed forward a small detachment at iNIaidenhead, half 
way between Trenton and Princeton, to watch the enemy. 
Jan. 2d, I On the next morning, the 2d of January, Corn- 

1777. I ^vallis advanced, and at about 4 P. M. encoun- 
tered the troops of Washington, who were drawn up behind 
Assumj)ink Creek. A cannonading was commenced between 
the parties, and several efforts made to force the passes of 
the creek, which were too strongly guarded, and night put 
an end to the skirmishing. 

The situation of Washington was now exceedingly criti- 
cal ; with a superior army in front he knew defeat to be 
certain in a pitched battle ; and to retreat over the Delaware 
encumbered by floating ice, difficult and dangerous. To 
fight was to lose all the benefits of the late victories, upon the 
spirits, as well as upon the fortunes, of the Americans ; and 
a retreat, besides the peril, was little less disheartening. 
With his usual sagacity and boldness, he struck out 
, another extraordinary scheme, which was accomplished with 
consummate skill, and followed by the happiest results. It 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 181 

Vras determined in council silently to quit their present posi- 
tion, and by a circuitous route to gain the enemy's rear at 
Princeton, and thus assume vigorous offensive operations, at 
the enemy's weakest point. Both armies were crowded 
within the village of Trenton, separated only by a narrow 
creek, and the British were sanguine that the whole Amer- 
ican army was in their power beyond escape. 

As soon as night fell, Washington's measures were silently 
and swiftly taken. The fires were renewed and ordered to 
be diligently kept up through the night. Guards were 
posted at the bridge and passes, and ordered to go their 
rounds; the baggage was removed to Burlington; and about 
one o'clock in the morning, the whole army, unperceived, 
took up their line of march for the enemy's rear. 

By one of those fortunate events, upon which the success of 
the best laid plans frequently depends, a sudden and favor- 
able change in the weather took place in the night. The 
wind veered unexpectedly to the north-west, and the roads, 
tliat had been almost impassable with mud, and broken up by 
rains and thaws, were frozen so hard that the artillery was 
conveyed as easily as upon a solid pavement, and the troops 
marched with swiftness and comfort. In the morning the 
British general found himself out-manoeuvred ; and instead 
of arming for an easy victory, was forced to break up his 
camp and retreat towards Princeton, to save his stores from 
capture. 

The whole army of Washington approached Princeton 
about daybreak. Near the town they encountered three 
regiments under Colonel Mawhood, forming the jan gj^ 
British advance, who were marching: to join ^'''^'^■ 
Cornwallis at Trenton. General Mercer, with the Phil- 
adelphia militia, engaged them; but being charged with 
bayonets, they gave way, and General Mercer was mortally 
wounded. The moment was critical, and the destructioi 
of the enterprise, with all the hopes of the army, imminent 
when Washington rallied the troops in person, dashing intc 
the open space between the armies, and exposing himself 
to the fire of both sides, fortunately without receiving a 
wound. The enemy were soon routed, a considerable 
number fell, but the colonel, with great bravery, cut his way 
with a few followers through the surrounding battalions, and 
escaped towards Pennington. The rear, which had not 
been engaged, saved themselves and retreated to Brunswick. 

Q 



188 HISTORY OF THE 

The Americans took three hundred prisoners, with but little 
loss. Among the killed was General Mercer, highly esteem- 
ed and deeply regretted by the victors ; and Colonel Jame? 
Monroe, afterwards the fifth President of the Unuea Slates, 
was wounded. 

Washington had scarcely occupied Princeton, and secured 
his prisoners, before he was compelled to retreat to avoid 
the fresh forces of Cornwaliis, who, comprehending the 
design of Washington, had retraced his steps and hurried on 
towards Brunswick. The American army had now been 
eighteen hours under arms ; some of them had been two 
days, all of them one day, without rest, undergoing severe la- 
bor, and were nearly exhausted by fatigue and want of sleep. 
They were accordingly prudently drawn off into a secure 
position in Upper Jersey, and encamped for the present at 
Morristown. Cornwaliis, without pursuing them continued his 
march to Brunswick. Washington did not long remain inac- 
tive. Having refreshed his troops and received an increase 
of infantry, he re-entered the field, and overrun almost the 
whole of New Jersey to the Rarltan, made himself master of 
many important points, and crossing the river, captured 
NeAvark, Ellzabethtown, and Woodbridge, fortifying hi 
positions and choosing his camj^s so strongly and Avith suck 
judgment, that he could not be dislodged. In these expedi- 
tions he was aided by risings of the people in all parts 
of New Jersey, who during the ascendancy of the British 
had been treated with harshness, insult, and cruelty. The 
exasperation produced, especially by the conduct of the 
Hessians, broke forth in every direction, as soon as the Amer- 
ican arms prevailed. Those who had before favored th^ 
royal cause,, or sought a timid neutrality, were driven by 
the atrocities with which the steps of the British army had 
been marked, to make a common cause, and aid in expelling 
them from the counti-y. Ambuscades were frequent, armed 
parties of farmers were constantly on the watch, and a uni- 
versal hatred of the invader, stimulated even the most feeble 
to do something towards harassing their march, cutting off 
their stragglers, embarrassing their means of communication, 
and carrying information to the American camp. So suc- 
cessful were these enterprises, that when General Wash- 
ington retired into secure quarters for the winter, on the 
'6th of January, the army that at Christmas were undis- 
puted masters of the whole State, were cooped up in two 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 183 

posts, New Brunswick and Amboy, with no means of com- 
munication with New York except by sea, and straitened 
for forage, while Washington was safely entrenched at Mor- 
ristown, having in a few weeks, with such scanty means, 
saved Philadelphia, protected Pennsylvania, reconquered 
New Jersey, infused ardor and enthusiasm into the hearts 
of his countrymen, and established for himself and country 
a reputation that attracted the attention of Europe. 

Congress returned to Philadelphia in security, and testi- 
fied their increased confidence in Washington, by makino' 
him the sole responsible director of the war, and formally 
releasing him from all obligations to be guided by councils 
of war- 



184 ' HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER IX. 



The American Congress, while thus exerting themselvea 
to repel invasion at home, had turned their earnest attention 
to the policy of securing foreign aid. Some months before 
the declaration of independence, communications had been 
opened by means of secret committees, Avith leading persons 
on the continent, to sound the disposition of those courts 
which were most hostile to Great Britain to take part with 
the Colonies, in the event of a war. In November 1775, a 
committee, consisting of Mr. Harrison, Dr. Franklin, Messrs 
Johnson, Dickinson, and Jay, were appointed by resolution 
for this pui-pose. A letter written by Dr. Franklin shortly 
after, to a gentleman in Holland, asks with anevidentantici- 
pation of independence, whether, if the colonies should be 
" obliged to break off all connexion with Great Britain," 
and declare themselves, "an independent people," there 
was any state or power in Europe, would be willing to enter 
into an alliance with them for the benefit of their commerce. 
The passage of the violent acts of Parliament of the next 
session, stimulated the committee to fresh efforts ; and 
accordingly Silas Deane, a member of Congress from 
Connecticut, was commissioned by them to the French 
court, with instructions, dated March 2d, 1776, signed by 
Franklin, Jay, Harrison, Dickinson, and Robert Morris, in 
the place of Mr. Johnson. He arrived in Paris about the 
first of July, and opened a communication with the French 
minister. Count de Vergennes, and pursuant to his instructions 
applied for immediate aid, in supplies of clothing and arms 
for 2o,000 men, or in case they would not grant in that 
form, for permission to make purchases on credit. He was 
also directed to ascertain the disposition of the French court, 
on the subject of a treaty of alliance, if the Colonies should 
declare themselves independent. 

The British ministry, aware of these movements, sent Lord 
Stormont express to Paris to watch the movements of the 
American envoy, who was not openly countenanced by 
the French court, though his interviews were frequent in 
private. Personally Mr. Deane w^s assured of the protection 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 185 

of the police, and a free intercourse between the ports of 
France and America was at once promised him. He was also 
assured that all obstructions to the purchase and shipment of 
warlike stores, would be removed. The British government 
went so far as to demand that Deane should be given up to 
them as a rebel, which was refused. 

Before Deane's arrival in France, a voluntary offer had 
been made to the Americans, through their agent in Lon- 
don, Arthur Lee of Virginia, by one Beaumarchals, to advance 
them supplies to the amount of a million of livres. The 
loan or gift, — for the nature of the transaction remains still a 
mystery, — was afterwards completed at Paris, by Mr. Deane, 
and the supplies furnished by the Vv^ay of Cape Francois 
under fictitious names, and apparently as a commercial spe- 
culation. The profound secrecy with which the transaction 
was managed, with a design that the government of France 
should appear to take no part in it, has never been fully ex- 
plained; and for a long time the heirs of Beaumarchais made 
an individual claim against the American government for a 
repayment of this miUion, as though it had been the private 
advance of their ancestor. 

The remonstrances of the British minister. Lord Stormont, 
were politely listened to, but evaded. Vessels laden with 
warlike stores were detained on his representation, but 
afterwards suffered to depart ; and when these shipments 
were complained of, in a tone more menacing than was 
agreeable to the French court, the Count de Vergennes 
inquired significantly whether a declaration of war wa.s 
meant ? -which produced an alteration in the manner of 
remonstrance. 

The indulgences extended to the American agents in 
France, in procuring supplies, were liberally construed and 
diligently improved. During the year 177G, the feeling in 
favor of America,, originally encouraged through a desire of 
crippling the power of Great Britain, increased among the 
French people ; and practices^ beyond the letter of the 
grants of the government, and contrary in fact, to the exist- 
ing engagements with England, were connived at and encour- 
aged. Arms and munitions of war were not only allowed 
to be purchased and sent to America, but were actually 
furnished covertly from the public arsenals. Their ports gave 
as great facilities, as could be done without committing the 
government, to American privateers, and especially in ike* 



JSS HISTORY OF THE 

West-Indies, ready harbors and markets were found for their 
prizes, of which great numbers were captured during the year 
1776. These naval enterprises were of the greatest conse- 
quence to the Americans, and had been prosecuted with much 
spirit and perseverance. Authority had been granted by 
Congress in November 1775, for capturing vessels laden with 
military stores or reinforcements, which was in March 1776, 
extended to permit the general arming of privateers against 
the commerce of the enemies of the united colonies. Under 
this permission American privateers swarmed on the seas, 
to the coasts of Great Britain, and especially in the West 
Indies, and proved successful in making captures of many 
valuable vessels. The value of their prizes in that year 
has been estimated as high as six millions of dollars. The}"- 
were sold principally in the French ports, and instances not 
unfrequently occurred of privateers fitted out against British 
commerce altogether from French ports, under the Ameri- 
can flag. 

During INIr. Deane's agency in Paris, with the co-operation 
of Arthur Lee, in London, to induce the French court to 
take active measures for assisting the Colonies, the Declara- 
tion of Independence was made, and one of the first diplo- 
matic measures of the new States was to prepare a plan for 
obtaining foreign alliances. Before the Declaration was finally 
adopted, and on the same day on which it was agreed to in 
committee of the whole, the 11th of June, a committee was 
. appointed to report on this matter, consisting of Mr. Dickin- 
son, Dr. Franklin, John Adams, Mr. Harrison, and Robert 
Morris. Richard Henry Lee and James Wilson were after- 
wards added ; and on the 17th of September they reported a 
plan of foreign alliance, which Congress adoj)ted. Dr. Frank- 
lin, Silas Deane, and Thomas Jefferson were appointed 
commissioners to France. For Mr. Jefferson, who could 
not leave home, Arthur Lee was substituted. The mission 
was designed to be kept a profound secret, and their instruc- 
tions were special, and included authority to make appli- 
cation and offer inducements for Spanish aid. Dr. Franklin 
sailed on the mission, and with Mr. Lee, who was at the time 
of his appointment in London, joined INIr. Deane, in Paris, 
in December. 

The gloomy prospect of affairs in America, as the cam- 

,paign advanced, produced stronger efforts in Congress to 

obtain aid from abroad. On the 30th of December, reso 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 187 

lutions were adopted to send agents to other courts of'Europe, 
and to strengthen their application to France and Spain. 
William Lee was appointed to Vienna and Berlin ; Ralph 
Izard to the Duke of Tuscany, and Dr. Franklin specially 
to Spain. Arthur Lee was afterwards substituted for Dr. 
Franklin to Spain. The additional instructions to their 
agents in France, reiterated the determination of the States, 
never to return to subjection to Great Britain, an apprehen- 
sion of which naturally deterred the other powers of Europe 
from entering- into negotiations with them, and made liberal 
offers of territorial and commercial favors, in return for open 
or covert aid. 

Before the arrival of these new propositions, the great 
talents, high reputation, and extraordinary personal popular- 
ity of Dr. Franklin had been successful in increasing the 
general enthusiasm which began to be felt in behalf of the 
Americans. The court and the people, the halls of science 
and the saloons of fashion, became equally charmed with 
the character, wit, and simplicity of manners of the Ameri- 
can envoy ; and in addition to inducements arising out of 
reasons of state, and national rivalry, his mission and his 
country grew personally in favor. The government was not 
ready to acknowledge the States openly or form treaties with 
them as an independent nation ; but in all other respects, it 
was willing to give them efficient aid. A paper signed by 
the king was read to the commissioners early in January 
1777, by Monsieur Gerard, secretary to Count Vergennes, 
in which he explained his disposition to serve them, ex- 
pressed his doubts of the fitness of the time, or the condition of 
his own affairs to give them countenance, or form a close alli- 
ance with them, and gave them as an earnest of his good 
wishes, two millions of livres, payable quarterly, to be aug- 
mented, as the state of his finances would permit. The 
new propositions received in the beginning of the year, 
though they strengthened the confidence of the French in 
the stability of the American purposes, were not sufficient to 
induce them to depart from this line of policy. They were 
uncertain of the course which events would take, of the 
final resolution of Congress against all reconciliation with 
Britain in any form, and were in particular very sceptical as 
to the harmony of the States among themselves, and their 
capacit}", if successful, to form a permanent union, and 
responsible government. Though leading succors in vari- 



188 HISTORY OF THE 

ous ways, by loans, gifts, supplies of arms, proj'isions, cfoth- 
ing and ammunition, to the American commissioners and 
agents, and receiving them individually with every demoa- 
stration of favor and sympathy, France avoided all formal 
recognition of American Independence, or official inter- 
course with the United States, and pres'^rved a nominal 
neutrality between the belligerents during the whole of the 
year 1777 

The popular sympathy of the French nation, happily out- 
stripped the calculating policy of their rulers. Volunteers 
offered themselves to bear arms in the cause of liberty, and 
among them, were numerous persons of merit and distiac- 
tion, who could only have been actuated by a generous 
gallantry and noble zeal for free principles. The most emi- 
nent was the young Marquis de La Fayette, a nobleman, 
who enjoyed, by his high rank, large wealth, numerous 
connexions among the noblest and wealthiest, and the rare 
felicity of his domestic relations, ever}- inducement to give 
himself up to a career of enjoyment in his own country, 
but who, fired with a virtuous indignation against tyranny, 
and zeal for human happiness, abandoned all the dehghts 
and endearments of home, and embarked his fortune 
and his life in the cause of American liberty, when its 
prospects were darkest. His proffers of service were made 
at an early period, but were not warmly encouraged by the 
agents of America, in consequence of the uncertain condition 
of the affairs of the new Colonies, and their want of means 
to offer suitable inducements. When news of the disas- 
trous battle of Long Island, following so immediately afler 
the Declaration of Independence, reached France, and the 
apparent desperation of American affairs was communicated 
to him, it only elicited the noble comment, " If your countrv 
is indeed reduced to such extremity, this is the moment at 
which my departure to join her armies will render her the 
most efficient s&rvice. " He accordingly fitted out a vessel 
at his own expense, and in the spring of 1777, arrived in 
America, Avhere he was received with the liveliest joy, and 
adopted into the family of Washington, who became tenderly 
attached to him. Congress soon after appointed him a Ma- 
jor General in their armies. 

Contemporary with these movements in France, by which 
efficient succor was given to the Americans, the British 
parliament was in session, and the subject of American affairs 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 189 

Jtras brought before them, both by the king in his speech at 
the opening of the session in Oclober, and by members of 
the opposition afterwards. The ministerial majority for per- 
severance in the war, was overwhelming. Addresses moved 
as echoes to the speech, and calling for the subjugation of 
the rebels, Avere carried, and conciHatory amendments rejected 
in the House of Commons, by a vote of 24*^ to 87, and in 
the House of Peers by a vote of 91 to 26. The opposition 
in the lower House was led by Lord John Cavendish, and in 
the Upper by the Marquis of Rockingham. Fourteen peers 
joined in a protest on the journal, which contained the fol- 
lowing passages : 

" A wise and provident use of the late advantages, might 
be productive of happy effects, as the means of establishing 
a permanent connexion between Great Britain and her 
Colonies, on principles of liberty and terms of mutual 
benefit," but "we should look with shame and horror on 
any events that would bow them to any abject or uncon- 
ditional submission to any power whatsoever; annihilate 
their liberties, and subdue them to servile principles 
and passive habits by the mere force of foreign mercenary 
arms. " 

The proclamation issued by the Howes in America as 
commissioners under the act of the previous session, was 
brought before the House ; and though censured as illegal, 
a motion was made to proceed, on the faith of the promises 
of the ministry expressed in it, to go into a revisal of the 
acts of parliament complained of in America. This being 
rejected, the minority avowing their despair of checking 
the ruinous policy of the administration, seceded from the 
House, and left the ministers entirely unopposed. A few of 
them rallied in February, to oppose another tyrannical mea- 
sure, introduced by Lord North, to suspend the Habeas Cor- 
pus act, "to enable his majesty to secure and detain persons 
charged with or suspected of the crime of high treason com- 
mitted in America, or on the high seas, or the crime of 
piracy. " They succeeded in modifying some of the clauses, 
but their opposition to the principle was vain. The session 
was protracted till the month of ./une, biU no further effort 
made on American affairs. They were left to the fortune 
of war, and the tender mercies of the German mercenaries, 
hired by the king of Great Britain, to subdue the revolted 
coloaists into renewed affection for Great Britain. 



190 HISTORY OF THE 

Washington, in the early part of the year, after closing his 
campaign by the recovery of New Jersey from the enemy 
and retiring into winter quarters at Morristown, passed some 
months of extreme embarrassment and severe labors in pre- 
paring for the period of action. The army having suffered 
severely by the small-pox, he directed them to be inoculated, 
and both regular soldiers, and recruits as they arrived, went 
through the operation successfully. During the season when 
they were laboring under the effects of this precautionary 
measure, the whole camp was almost, if not quite defenceless : 
not more than a comparative handful of men were fit for 
any duty. Indeed, the extreme weakness of the forces 
under Washington's command, during the winter, at Morris- 
town, was such, that a strong effort by the British army 
could not have failed to drive them completely out of Jersey. 
The recruiting service went on but slowly, even after the 
favorable change produced by the victories at Trenton and 
Princeton. The battalions voted by Congress in December, 
were none of them filled up; and as the times of enlistment 
expired, the soldiers rarely consented to re-enter the service. 
The utmost force that could be mustered during the month 
of February, was fifteen hundred men ; and there were times 
when, from the causes just mentioned, there were not four 
hundred of all descriptions, fit for duty. In March, the 
general reported to Congress, that his whole force in Jersey, 
including the militia, was only three thousand, one third 
only of whom were regular troops, and that the time of ser- 
vice of the militia would expire within the month. Towards 
the latter part of the month the numbers had increased 
nominally to near five thousand. At the same time the 
British army, under General Howe, exceeded twenty-seven 
thousand. Congress, which re-assembled at Philadelphia on 
the 27th February, were invoked earnestly and repeatedly 
by the Commander-in-chief to do something effectual for 
improving the state of the army. They passed some resolves 
with this object, among which was one to raise three artillery 
regiments, to be put under the command of General Knox, 
another to raise three thousand cavalry, and a third to estab- 
lish a corps of engineers. At the head of the engineer corps, 
was placed General Du Portail, a distinguished French officer. 
These regulations gradually produced beneficial consequen- 
ces upon the organization of the army, though not of much 
instant importance. Much difficulty was produced by the 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 191 

anomalous nature of the authority by which the various 
military bodies were brought together under the direction 
of Congress. A union in fact existed among the States, but 
only by consent, no articles of agreement having been 
adopted, and every State having an absolute independence 
of the others. The States alone had power to compel obedi- 
ence, and their regulations, both as to bounty and to pav, 
were various and discordant. When their several quotas 
were raised and brought together under the control of a 
body so utterly powerless in fact, as the continental Con- 
gress, jealousies, discords, and confusion, inevitably ensued. 
Particular States, looking to their own position, and appre- 
hensions of the enemy, called for a diversion of the general 
force, to their own defence, or raised state battalions, to be 
at their own separate disposal. These mischiefs were earnestly 
combatted by the efforts and representations of Congress and 
the Commander-in-chief, and before the opening of the 
campaign they were in part removed. The army arrange- 
ments were made more uniform, and the discipline brought 
into greater method. An evil still greater and beyond the 
power of Congress to remedy, was the alarming depreciation 
of the continental bills of credit, issued on the public faith 
by Congress, to a very large amount. Not being based upon 
any specie fund; with no provision for redemption at any 
time, except the remote and now almost hopeless contingency 
of the establishment of Independence, the formation of a solid 
government, and the restoration and increase of the national 
commerce, nothing could give them currency among tlie 
people. Unwise and arbitrary enactments, to force them 
into circulation at par, or even to limit their depreciation, 
failed, as ought to have been expected. The disorder in thft 
finances could not be repaired by any expedients Avithinthe 
means of Congress, and continued to increase. This fruit- 
ful source of distress to the army, and the government 
during the war, had already exhibited part of its mischiev- 
ous effects upon the American cause, in the winter of 1776, 
and 1777. ; 

Another source of trouble and vexation, was the disputes 
between the English and American generals on the treat- 
ment of prisoners. These had commenced with the earliest 
hostilities in Massachusetts. General Gage considered the 
Americans as revolted subjects, in arms against their sover- 
eign, and as such not entitled to the treatment of prisoners 



192 HISTORV OF THE 

of war. Without distinction of rank, he confined them in 
prisons with malefactors, under the general designation of re- 
bels. This brought on, first, remonstrances from Washington, 
repeated in terms of indignation, and demanding for American 
prisoners the respect due to their rank, conformable to mili- 
tary usage ; and finally, on the harsh and insolent refusal of 
General Gage, retaliation upon British officers and soldiers. 
This barbarous system of mutual injustice, was relaxed 
on the arrival of General Howe, who admitted the captured 
\mericans to the privileges of lawful enemies. Washington, 
to whom the necessity of acting harshly in self-defence had 
given great pain, immediately withdrew his own orders, and 
restored the British prisoners to the same privileges in return. 
Complaints, however, constantly occurred of the abuse of 
American prisoners, and communications passed between 
the commanding generals on that subject. After the cap- 
ture of General Lee in December, the circumstances of his 
case, and the treatment he received, aggravated the irritation 
which had been mutually felt, and reproduced the harsher sys- 
tem of retaliation. Lee had been an officer in the British ser- 
vice, and it was alledged that he had joined the Americans 
before the resignation of his British commission had beenactu- 
laly accepted. For this reason. Sir Williamfl^owc undertook to 
consider him as excluded from the terms of exchange agreed 
upon, and treated him as a deserter taken in arms. He re- 
fused to parole him, and peremptorily rejected the offer of 
Congress to give six general officers in exchange for Lee. 
On this refusal, Congress ordered that the officers selected 
should be closely confined, and receive in every respect the 
same treatment as Lee. This order was carried into effect 
strictly, not by the Commander-in-chief, but the State execu- 
tives, in whose custody the designated officers were. They 
were the British Colonel Arbuthnot, and five Hessian field 
officers. The order for retaliation thus enforced, was con- 
trary to the advice and remonstrances of General Washing- 
ton, whose letters to Congress earnes.tly deprecated it as 
cruel and impolitic. They persisted nevertheless, and 
no favors were extended to the captives, until Howe 
consented to exchange^ General Lee. In the interval, the 
exchange of prisoners was totally suspended. The course of 
the war threw a great number of Americans into the hands 
of the enemy, and their treatment, especially at New York, 
is one of ttie blackest stains upon the arms of England in 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 193 

that conflict, so fruitful in disgraces to her. The sick and the 
well, the maimed and the wounded, with the healthy and the 
strong, were promiscuously crowded together, in churches 
converted into prisons. In common jails, or in prison-ships, 
without supplies, without medicines, food, or fuel, adequate to 
their sustenance, and subjected, in addition, to cruel scoffs, 
and brutal outrages from the soldiery. Want, neglect, close 
confinement in tilth and an impure atmosphere, at an incle- 
ment season, engendered mortal diseases, and hundreds upon 
hundreds perished miserably within a few weeks. The sur- 
vivors were enfeebled by disease and hunger, and wounded 
»n every manly feeling by insults and brutal stripes. In the 
midst of these sufferings, the royal oflicers were strenuous 
in efforts to seduce them into the British service, making 
liberal promises for recruits, and punishing rejection of their 
dishonorable proposals by ignominious beatings and increased 
inhumanity. These efforts were totally fruitless. None 
listened to the tempter, and all the horrors of the dungeon, 
the perils of disease, and death itself, were magnanimously 
preferred to an abandonment of the cause of their coun- 
try. The offers of Washington to provide for the wants 
of these victims, were declined by General Howe; and 
even the request to send an agent, to examine into and 
relieve their condition, was rejected. After an obstinate 
and protracted controversy, the exchange was effected, 
and the survivors restored to their country. The wretched 
state in which they were sent into the American lines after 
the conclusion of the arrangements for exchange in the 
spring, testified strongly to the hardships they had endured. 
All of them were sickly and debilitated, and many fainted 
and died, before they reached head-quarters. A more hu- 
mane treatment of prisoners ensued, but not for a long time 
afterwards was a regular system of exchange re-established. 
In these discussions and negotiations, the winter passed 
away, and spring advanced without any decided movement 
on the part of the British army, and with constant efforts 
on the part of the American general to cover the feeble- 
ness of his actual position, and the poverty of his numbers, 
from the knowledge of the enemy, and to collect stores and 
augment his fosces as rapidly as possible. In the month of 
May, his encampment at Morristown was so weakly manned, 
as appears by the official letters of Washington, that his safety 
consisted in the false information received by his opponents. 



194 HISTORY OF THE 

Magazines of stores were in the meantime prepared, on the 
east side of the North river, in the hilly country above Peeks- 
kill, called Courtlandt's manor, and the arrival from France 
of a stock of munitions of war, supplied some of the most 
pressing deficencies. A vessel of twenty-four guns reached 
Portsmouth with about ten thousand stand of arms, and one 
thousand barrels of powder, and ten thousand stands of arms 
were received in another quarter. The successive arrivals 
of recruits augmented the army of Washington to more than 
seven thousand men, with which he begun the campaign at 
the close of the month of May. 

Before the regular campaign was opened between the two 
armies, several skirmishes had occured, of importance in the 
progress of events. 

General Lincoln was stationed at Bmmdbrook, with about 
five hundred men. Cornwallis, who was quartered at Bruns- 
I '^'^^^> conceived the idea of surprising this body, 
I and with this view marched upon them suddenly 
on the morning of the 13th of April, in two columns, of a 
thousand men each, advancing upon both sides of the Rari- 
tan river. They reached within a hundred paces of the 
American quarters before they were discovered, and Lin- 
coln himself with difficulty rejoined his troops who were 
already engaged. He succeeded in making his retreat and 
bringing off his men, with the loss of about sixty : but his 
papers, stores, and three pieces of artillery, fell into the hands 
of the enemy. 

An attack was made, at nearly the same time, by a body 
of troops despatched by Howe, against the town of PeekskiU. 
This place is situated about fifty miles from New York, 
on the east side of the Hudson river, and is a kind of 
port to the hilly country in which the American stores had 
been collected. There were several magazines of the kind, 
in the town itself. A pow^erful armament was sent up the 
river in transports, and the American troops who garrisoned 
the place, seeing defence impossible, set fire to the stores, 
and abandoned the place. The loss was severe, but the En- 
glish, af\er landing and taking possession, returned without 
delay to New Jersey. 

A similar enterprise, but more important in its consequen- 
ces, was undertaken by the English a few days afterwards, 
against the town of Danbury, which is situated near the line 
of New York, in the county of Fairfield, in Connecticut 

a 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 195 

There was there a large depot of stores and provisions, of 
great value to the Americans, which it was the object of 
the British expedition to capture or destroy. There were 
also believed to be numerous loyalists, or tories, in that 
part of the country, from whom aid and recruits were ex- 
pected. The command was given to General Tryon, late 
royal governor of New York. Landing at Saugatuck, on 
Long Island sound, between Norwalk and Fairfield, j 
on the evening of the 25th of April, with two thou- j 
sand men, he reached Danbuny without meeting resist- 
ance, on the next day. The slender garrison which was 
stationed there, under Colonel Huntingdon, retreated at 
his approach, to a stronger position in the rear. After destroy- 
ing the stores, without receiving any of the expected co-ope- 
ration from the loyalists, the British commenced their return, 
but not with the same security. The country around them had 
begun to rally, and the militia collected themselves at Read- 
ing, impatient to check the insulting progress of the enemy. 
Arnold, who was in the neighborhood on recruiting service, 
hastened to join them, and old General Wooster, now in his 
seventieth 5'^ear, summoned reinforcements and marched 
with alacrity to join them. The force collected amounted to 
about six hundred men; the English retreated by the way of 
Ridgefield ; but before they reached there, the Americans 
had divided their forces, one party under Wooster, hanging 
upon the rear to harass them, whilst Arnold, with the larger 
division, pushed on to Ridgefield to intercept them. In the 
pursuit, the veteran Wooster, while leading his men on, with 
all the gallantry of youth, received a mortal wound. Arnold 
reached Ridgefield by great exertions, about midnight; and 
his men, augmented to about five hundred in number, threw 
up barricadoes across the streets, manned the houses with 
soldiers, and determined to make a stand. A hot action en- 
sued, but the great superiority of the British in number, 
enabled them to out-flank the American position, and force 
them to retreat. Tryon remained ail night at Ridgefield, and 
committed numerous outrages, burning and wantonly destroy- 
ing private property, as well as a church, in which some 
public stores were placed. The next morning, he pursued 
his march to Norwalk, along the east bank of the I » •, ^q 
Saugatuck river, pursued and harassed by Arnold, | ''" 
who keptthe west side, until both parties reached Saugatuck 
bridge. There ^ sharp conflict was kept up for a quarter of 



196 HISTORY OF THE 

an hour, but the English forced their way by hard fighting, 
to their shipping, and embarked under a galling fire from 
Arnold's militia. The American stores destroyed in this 
expedition, were a heavy loss to them. They had about 
sixty men killed and wounded, while the loss of the British 
was five hundred. 

General Wooster died of his wounds on the 2d of May. 
Congress passed resolutions expressive of gratitude for his 
services and character, and decreed a monument to be erect- 
ed to his memory. Arnold, whose horse was shot under 
him in the fight, received from Congress the present of a horse 
fully caparisoned, and was promoted to the rank of major 
general. 

One of the most encouraging results of this expedition, 
was the defeat of the anticipations of the enemy of finding 
friends anjd efficient supporters among the natives. None de- 
clared themselves for the British, and the outrages committed 
by the invaders, roused the whole population to resentment. 

Not long afterwaixls, a daring expedition was planned and 
successfully accomplished, by a party of American militia, 
against a depot of British stores. Magazines of forage, and 
provisions, had been collected at Sagg harbor, a port on the 
east end of Long Island, under the protection of a detach- 
ment of infantry, and an armed sloop. The navigation was 
believed to be entirely commanded by the English vessels. 
Colonel Meigs of Connecticut crossed the sound one night 
with a party of Connecticut militia, 170 in number, in whjde- 
boats, and reached the Harbor before day. He surprised the 
guards, at the point of the bayonet, burned a dozen brigs 
and sloops, totally destroyed every thing on shore which 
the enemy had collected, and returned safely with nume- 
rous prisoners to Guilford. This brilliant afftiir took olace on 
the 2^3d of I\Iay. 

The main operations of both armies were, in the mean time, 
suspended for an unusual lenj^th of time. The British army 
delayed commencing any offensive operations, and that of 
Washington profited very much by the season of inaction. 
They were gradually reinforced, by recruits and militia, and 
their policy was to wait the development of the plans of 
the enemy, and make provision for encountering him in any 
direction, against which he might decide on moving. Gene- 
ral Burgoyne was already in Canada, with a powerful army, 
and it was obvious to Washington, that GJeneral Howe would 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 197 

either attempt to seize on the passes of the North river and 
thus co-operate directly with Burgoyne, or leaving thvvt few- 
future movements, would follow up at first the attempts of 
the previous campaign, and march upon Philadelphia. As 
a precaution against both these movements, he determined 
to open the campaign by descending from his position at 
Morristown, and post his army on the high ground north of 
the Brunswick road to Philadelphia, extending his left to- 
wards the river and stationing a considerable force at Peeks- 
kill. By this management his forces could be readily con- 
centrated at either point; for the defence of Philadelphia, or 
to protect the forts and passes of the river. On the I 
25th of May, he formed his new camp at JNIid- j ^^ '^' 
dlebrook, about ten miles from Brunswick, a position natu- 
rally very strong, which he fortified with careful entrench- 
ments, pis troops, exclusive of artillery and cavalr3% were 
about eight thousand three hundred men, of whom more 
than two thousand were sick. 

The real design of General Howe, was the recovery of 
New Jersey, and the capture of Philadelphia. This is gen- 
erally charged upon him as a militar}^ fault. The army of 
Burgoyne, about to descend from Canada, was the chief reli- 
ance of the British ministry, for subduing America. A 
junction with the arm}^ in New York, with the command 
of the Hudson and the lakes, would have separated the 
States, and, with the aid of the force already in Rhode Island) 
given the whole of New England into the power of the 
British army. Instead of entering zealously and at once 
into this plan, General Howe dela3'ed some time, in the 
effort to draw General Washington into action, and finally 
postponed his co-0])eration with the northern arm^ for an at- 
tack upon Philadelphia. He perhai)s hoped so thoroughly to 
subdue Pennsylvania and New Jersey bj'^ this enterprise, as to 
be able to make a clear field for the approach of General Bur- 
goyne. The calculations failed as signally below, as the 
main expedition above. Philadelphia fell, but peither Con- 
gress nor the people were subdued nor terrified ; and when 
Burgoyne descended the Hudson, it was not as a flushed 
conqueror, but as a captive to the despised republicans. 

On the night of the 14th of June, General Howe made 
a bold effort to entice Washington from his camp, and bring 
on an action. The whole army, with the exception of twa 
tliousand soldiers, who were left to protect the baggage and 



198 HISTORY OF THE 

fcridge equipage, at Brunswick, marched out in two columns, 
and advanced to Somerset court-house, with the apparent 
design to cross the Delaware. Washington was too wary to 
believe, that they would be rash eaough to cross in front of 
a formidable opposition, and with an army in the rear, and 
did not fail to remark, that the bridges prepared to cross with, 
had been left behind. When the enemy approached, with- 
out leaving his strong position, he drew up his arrny in or- 
der of battle, and kept them under arms all night. The New 
Jersey militia assembled with alacrity ; and Howe, finding 
bis scheme frustrated, retreated to Brunswick on the 19th, 
and gathered all his forces towards that point. Washing- 
ton, relieved of his present fears for the river passages, 
ordered down a part of his force at Peekskill, and strength- 
ened himself at Middlebrook. The movements of the Brit- 
ish to and fro, were marked with devastation and cruelty. 
They burned, ravaged and destroyed, without respect to 
property, or persons. 

The rapid advance on the 11th having failed in its object, the 
British general tried another feint, and a few days afterwards 
made as rapid a retreat to Amboy. His baggage having been 
sent across to Staten Island, he threw a bridge over the chan- 
nel, and several detachments passed over, as though it had 
been his final intention to abandon New Jersey, aiid march 
upon Philadelphia. Washington despatched strong parties to 
pursue and harass his march, commanded by Generals Greene, 
Maxwell, and Sullivan, and Colonel Morgan, and in order to 
follow up the retreating army, left his camp at Middlebrook, 
and with his whole army took up a new position at Quibble- 
town, six or seven miles nearer to Amboy. General Howe 
promptly endeavoured to take advantage of the success of 
ffis manoeuvre. On the night of the 25th of June, 
he suddenly recalled his troops from the island,^ 
and advanced swiftly towards the Americans. Washings 
ton, with equal rapidity, retraced his own movements. Recall- 
ing his advance, he resumed his position on the heights, and 
the British only succeeded in engaging the brigade under 
the co/nmand of Lord Sterling. That, after maintaining a 
hot action, retreated with little loss, and the British forces, 
foiled again, withdrew to Amboy on the iiith, and three 
I days afterwards passed finally over to Staten Island, 
I leaving General Washington in undisturbed pos- 
iession of New jersey. The fleet under Ihe^ qommand of 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 199 

Admiral Howe, was lying at Sandy Hook, on the opposite 
side of the island. The destination of their fleet and army 
from this point, was a subject of great anxiety to all America. 
They had it in their power, having the command of the sea, 
to land at any point of the countr}', and the Hudson, Phila- 
delphia, Charleston, and Boston, were alternately looked to 
as the objects of the expedition. A sudden movement to the 
north side of Staten Island, led Washington to believe that 
the Hudson was the point ; and he accordingly reinforced the 
northern army, changed his camp to the old position at Mor- 
ristown, and strengthened the river forts and garrisons. This 
uncertainty continued for a long time, the various changes of 
position made by Howe being considered for the most part 
as feints to conceal a real purpose. Washington becoming- 
more convinced that Philadelphia was the object, turned as 
much of his care in that direction as was consistent with 
prudence. The Pennsylvania militia were called out, to ren- 
dezvous at Chester, and those of New Jersey were summon- 
ed at Gloucester. At last, on the 23d of July, the British fleet 
sailed from Sandy Hook. It consisted of more than I juiy23, 
three hundred vessels, and carried thirty-six British i^^^- 
and Hessian battalions, including light infantry and grena- 
,diers, with a powerful corps of artillery, amounting in all to 
about eighteen thousand men. The rest of the army, seven- 
teen battalions, was left under the command of Sir Henry 
Clinton, for the protection of New York. The fleet was re- 
ported to steer southwardly, and the same doubt as to their 
object, continued to harass the public mind, and perplex 
the Commander-in-chief. A letter was intercepted, which 
stated New Hampshire to be the point, but so convinced w^as 
Washington that it was intended to mislead, that he instantly 
marched to the south. He halted for a while on the Dela- 
ware, hesitating to believe that Howe could absolutely aban- 
don the Hudson, where be was expected to aid the Northern 
army. On the 31st, the fleet came in sight of the capes of 
the Delaware, hut from some change of plan, instead of en- 
tering, put to sea again, and were not heard of for weeks. 
This increased the uncertainty and anxiety of the American 
army, which marched and counter-marched through New 
Jersey according to the various reports that were received, 
until all doubts were dispelled by intelligence of the arri- 
vdl of the British fleet in the Chesapeake, and the disem- 
barkation of the army at Turkey point, at the mouth of the ^ 



800 HISTORY OP THE ' ' 

Au 25 I ^^^ river, in Maryland. General Washington 
^ I instantly marched his whole army through Phila- 
delphia, to oppose them. He had a considerable nominal 
force, but his effective strength did not exceed eleven 
thousand. On the 3d of September, the armies approached 
each other, and Washington, after manceuvring several davs 
to avoid being out-flanked by a superior force, finally fell 
back to the left bank of the Brandy wine river, at Chadd's 
ford, Avhere he made a stand to dispute the passage with the 
enemy. Congress and the people called upon the general 
to risk a battle there, for the defence of Philadelphia. 

The discipline of the army had been much improved dur- 
ing their stay in New Jersey, by the French officers, who 
had joined it, either as volunteers in the cause of liberty, or 
on the invitation of Silas Deane, the American envoy at 
Paris. Some of these were veteran and skillful soldiers, 
whoso experience in European warfare, and knowledge 
of military tactics, was of much value to the new levies of 
the States. He who added most lustre to the French name, 
not by military knowledge, but by his personal virtue?, the 
splendor of his individual character, and the enthusiastic 
disinterestedness with which he had embraced the Ameri- 
can service, was the young JNIarquis de La Fayette. At 
the age of nineteen, he had risked ever}' thing to join a sink- 
ing cause, escaped with difficulty from France, from a court 
circle the gayest in Europe, a fortune beyond his wishes, 
a home endeared by a newly wedded and fondly loved wife, 
against the commands of his sovereign, and though chased by 
cruisers to arrest and bring him back, brought his sword and 
his arm to the service of liberty. His arrival inspirited Con- 
gress and the people, by the proofs of ardent sympath}"^ which 
it displayed, and the hopes of efficient succor from abroad 
which it encouraged. At the Brandywine, he occupied a 
distinguished post in the army. 

The landing of Howe in the Chesapeake, made manifest 
to Washington that the British forces were not acting under 
a common head, and for a joint plan of operation. They; 
were, in fact, divided into three independent bodies, two of 
which at least, those under Burgoyne and Howe, aimed at 
distinct objects, tending only remotely to a union. Bur- 
goyne in the north was pushing on with rapidity, and in 
apparent triumph, from Crown Point towards Albany : Sir 
Henry Clinton, with a large force, was inactive at New York; 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 201 

and Sir William Howe was pursuing a separa,^ purpose in 
the middle States. The campaign of Burgoyne will be 
narrated presently, in a connected form. We shall here 
pursue the fortunes of the army which, on the 11th of Sep- 
tember 1777, was approaching the Brandywine river, to force 
its way to Philadelphia. 

One anecdote of an enterprise, which occurred some time 
before in the north, deserves to be recorded here, though not 
strictly in the order of the narrative. Though not of much 
real importance, it produced a great exultation to the Ameri- 
cans, and was exceedingly mortifying to the British. The 
British force at Rhode Island, .consisting of seven battalions 
and a considerable fleet, was commanded by General Pres- 
cott, who, being so superior in force to any that could be 
brought against him, kept negligent guard. Aware of this, 
and anxious to retaliate for the capture of General Lee, a 
party of Americans, under the command of Colonel Barton, 
to the number of about forty, formed a j)lan of surprising the 
general in his quarters, and carrying him off. Embarking 
by night in whale-boats, and cautiously rowing between the 
enemy's ships, they landed on the coast between Newport 
and Bristol Ferry, and having silently reached the lodgings 
of Prescott, arrested him in bed, and conducted him safely 
through his own troops and fleet back to the main land. 
Congress voted their thanks, and presented a sword to Colo- 
nel Barton, for this daring feat. 

The battle of the Brandywine was hazarded by Washing- 
ton more in compliance with the public call for decisive ac- 
tion, and the impatience of delay, than in accordance with 
his own judgment. His army was inferior in numbers and 
discipline, and he might easily have assumed a position 
among the hills too strong to be forced, which would have 
retarded the royal troops, and forced them to waste the sea- 
son to little purpose. But delay had dissatisfied both 
Congress and the public expectation, and it was determined 
to try the fortune of battle. 

The army of Sir William Howe advanced, at day-break 
on the morning of the 11th of September, in two 
columns against the American position. The first, ^'"'"' ^^ 
under the Hessian General Knlphausen, was directed against 
Chadd's ford, with the design of forcing a passage at that point. 
The main point of attack was, however, not there. This 
column, which was the right, was instructed to delay making 



902 HISTORY OF THE , 

a final effort, until the other column had succeeded in its 
manoeuvres. The left column, led by Generals Howe and 
Cornwallis, was composed of two-thirds of the whole strength 
of the British army. It was decided to make a considerable 
circuit towards the left.-ilnd crossing the forks of the Brandy- 
wine above, to descend against the American right, at the 
same time that the column at Chadd's ford should make a 
brisk chargfe in front. Washington, on being advised of the 
separation of the columns, immediately conceived the bold 
design, of leaving Generals Sullivan and Sterling to keep 
Howe and Cornwallis in check, and crossing the ford 
himself with the bulk of his force, to attack Kniphausen. 
While issuing his orders for this movement, information was 
brought him by Colonel Bland of Virginia, contradicting the 
first intelligence, and declaring the movement of the second 
column to be only a feint to divide the American strength, 
and that it had already commenced its return to join the 
Germans at Chadd's ford. In the uncertaint}' produced by 
these confused accounts, the order was countermanded, and 
the Americans continued their defence of the ford, under 
the expectation that Kniphausen would soon attempt to force 
a passage, supported by the whole British strength. At two 
o'clock, he had not made the attempt, and all doubt of the 
course of the left column was dissipated by intelligence that 
Generals Howe and Cornwallis had crossed the forks of the 
Brand3'wine, and were in full march down the north side of 
the river, against the American right. An immediate change 
of plan was ordered by Washington. Wayne was left to dis- 
pute the passage of the ford with Kniphausen, who w^as 
about making his concerted charge ; Sullivan was ordered to 
march a division to the right, to oppose the advancing column, 
and General Greene, with his corps, was posted in the centre, 
as a reserve, to succor either party, as the circumstances might 
require. It was four o'clock before Sullivan reached ground 
upon which he could form, and before his right was properly 
in order, the enem}*, under Cornwallis, attacked that side of 
his force, which instantly gave way, and the disorder spread 
irretrievably until the whole division was routed. As soon 
as tho firing was heard in this direction, Washington in per- 
aon, with General Greene and his corps, hastened to the aid 
of Sullivan, but arrived only in time to check the career of 
the enemy and cover the retreat of the flying troops. A 
Virginia brigade under General Weedon, Colonel Marshall'? 



xaRICAN REVOLUTION. ^0^ 

Tugmia regiment, and Colonel Stewart's Pennsylvania regi- 
ment, displayed the most determined spirit, and kept up the 
action with Cornwallis till night put a stop to it, and Gene- 
ral Greene drew off his troops in safety. Wayne had been 
compelled to give way before Kniphausen, and the day 
terminated in the success of all the leading plans of the 
enemy. The whole American army retreated to Chester 
that same night, and soon after to Philadelphia. Their loss 
was computed at three hundred killed, six hundred wounded. 
and nearly five hundred prisoners; they also lost ten field- 
pieces and a howitzer. The British loss was much less, not 
amounting to five hundred in all, of which the slain were 
about one hundred. 

The French officers behaved with gallantry, and were of 
great service to the Americans. One of them, the Baron St. 
Ovary, was made prisoner ; and the Marquis La Fayette, while 
rallying his troops with spirit and activity, was wounded in 
the leg, but refused to quit the field. Count Pulaski, a noble 
Pole, who had distinguished himself at home, led on the 
light-horse with undaunted gallantry, and Congress testified 
their sense of his merit, by promoting him to the rank of 
brigadier, and giving him the command of the cavalry. 

The British followed up their successes the next day, by 
seizing upon Wilmington, on the Delaware. 

The loss of the battle did not produce the dispiriting effect 
upon Congress or the army, w^hich might have been anti- 
cipated. The coolness and courage with which many of 
the regiments had behaved, rather tended to beget a higher 
tone of confidence. Measures were taken to prevent any 
depression among the people, and to reinforce the army, and 
to manifest a feeling of perfect security. Fifteen hundred 
troops were sent from Peekskill ; large detachments of mili- 
tia summoned from New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and a 
brigade of the regular line under General Smallwood, from 
Alexandria, to strengthen the army of Washington. The 
commander-in-chief was authorized to impress all horses, 
wagons, and provisions, necessary for the army. The general 
orders which he issued spoke in terms of commendation of 
the behavior of the army in the late engagement, and promised 
them success in another battle. Having allowed them to rest a 
day in the environs of Germantown, he resolved to try an- 
other general action, before yielding Philadelphia to the ene- 
my With this determination he recrossed the Schuylkill on 



dO-i HISTORY or THE 

I the 15th of September, and marched to face the 
** ' "I British army, which was advancing upon Philadel- 
phia by the Lancaster road. He took up a position at the 
Warren tavern, about twenty-three miles from Philadelphia, 
with the double object of covering his stores which were 
deposited at Reading, and waiting to give the enemy battle. 
The next morning the advance guards of the armies com- 
menced an engagement which lasted only a few moments. 
A violent storm came on, which separated the combatants ; 
the rain fell in such quantities and with such force, for the 
whole of that day and the next, that both parties were obliged 
to remain inactive, and the consequences compelled the 
American army to retreat immediately. It was found that 
their ammunition was damaged, and the gun-locks and car- 
tridge-boxes, from defective construction were unfit for use. On 
the 18th, Washington filed off towards Reading, the enerav 
being unable, from the effects of the same storm, to pursue 
him. He ascended the Schuylkill, crossed it to obtain a 
supply of ammunition, and on the 19th, recrossed it at Par- 
ker's ferry, and took up a position, on Parkyomy 
creek, fortifying the passes and fronting the advanc- 
ing enemy, with the determination of risking a battle. 

A severe disaster occurred at this time to the republican 
forces. On recrossing the Schuylkill, Washington had de- 
tached General Wayne with 1500 men, to join the corps of 
Smallwood, and harass the rear of the enemy, with instruc- 
tions to conceal his movements. While encamped near 
the Paoli tavern, his position was discovered, and he him- 
self surprised by a British detachment under General Grey 
The out-posts and picquets were forced without noise, on the 
night of the 20th of September, and before the soldiers could 
form, a murderous slaughter commenced. When they did 
form, under a fierce attack, it Avas unfortunately in front of 
their fires, which exposed them to the charge of the British, 
and three hundred of them were bayonetted, with the loss of 
only eight of the enemy. Wayne, with great exertions, suc- 
ceeded in rallying some of his soldiers and covering the 
retreat of the survivors. 

Howe could now safely push forward towards Philadelphia 
Washington was before him, with an inferior army and with 
two most important points to defend. He could not protect 
the extensive magazines of provisions and military stores, 
established at Reading, without exposing the capital, almost 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 205 

Undefended, to be taken by a movement of the British army 
to the right, and crossing the Schuylkill. He could only 
hope to save Philadelphia, by interposing his army at once 
between General Howe and the capital, abandoning his 
stores, and risking a final and probably a fatal battle. The 
soldiers were fatigued and worn out, by constant marchings 
and counter-marchings, since the landing of the British at the 
Elk, on the •26th. of August. Since the defeat of Brandy- 
win'^, they had been exposed to heavy rains, without cover- 
ing, destitute of stores, and scantily supplied in all things, 
and had crossed and recrossed several large streams, almost 
daily. To hazard both the capital, the army, and the stores, 
in a single action, under such circumstances, was decided 
by Washington to be too rash a scheme to be risked, although 
the calls of the citizens of Philadelphia for another battle 
were loud and urgent. He determined to abandon the city : 
and on a movement of the British on the west bank of the 
Schuylkill towards Reading, the American army retreated 
rapidly up the stream to Pottsgrove, leaving the lower road 
open to the enemy. On the night of the 23d of September, 
the whole British army was on the left bank of the Schuyl- 
kill, between Washington and the capital, and three days 
afterwards, General Cornwallis, without opposition, took pos- 
session of the city of Philadelphia with part of his 
troops. The rest of the army was left in posi- ^p - • 
tion at Germantown. Four regiments were posted in the 
city. 

Congress, on the retreat of Washington from the Warren 
tavern on the 18th, considering themselves insecure in Phi- 
ladelphia, had adjourned immediately to Lancaster. The 
public archives and stores were removed to the same place. 
On the fall of Philadelphia, they retired to Yorktown. Before 
removing, they invested Washington with the same dicta- 
torial powers, as had been granted after the reverses in Nev^ 
Jersey. Some of the leading citizens in Philadelphia, chieflj 
Quakers, who were disaffected to the American cause, wer<r 
arrested and sent to Virginia, as a measure of precaution. 

On the occupation of the city by the enemy, Washington 
led his army, consisting of about eleven thousand men, — eight 
thousand regulars^ and three thousand militia, — along the left 
bank of the Schuylkill ; and encamped them at Schippack 
creek, about eleven miles from Germantown. 
•' The British fleet, which had landed the array in the Ches- 

S 



fSfffS 



HISTORY OF THE 



apeake, were now ordered round into the Delaware. Foresee- 
ing this, the Americans had taken early steps to obstruct the 
navigation of the river, so that the vessels could not pass up. 
Cheveaux de Frise were sunk in the river, and forts erected 
on Mud Island, at Red Bank, opposite on the Jersey shore, 
and at Billing's Point, on the same shore below. Mud Island 
is about seven miles below Philadelphia. In the channel 
between Mud Island and Red Bank, double rows of Cheveaux 
de Frise were sunk, consisting of large jjieces of timber 
strongly clamped, and pointed with iron. These were pro- 
tected by galleys, floating batteries, and armed ships. 

The fort on Mud Island was called Fort Mitilin, and that 
upon Red Bank, Fort Mercer. 

It was important to Sir William Howe, to destroy l/iese 
works, and open a communication between the fleet and the 
army. The American army, lying above, would effect- 
ually obstruct all supplies by land ; and unless means of access 
by water could be furnished to the fleet below, he would have 
beeh compelled to evacuate the city. Two regiments were 
accordingly despatched by General Howe to dislodge the 
Americans froin Billing's Point, which was done without 
much difficulty. The garrison spiked the guns, and aban- 
doned the works on the advance of the enemy. A part of 
the fleet was thus enabled to advance, and with great labor 
finally cleared out a narrow passage through the Cheveaux 
de Frise for the shipping. This being done, a third regiment 
was sent to Chester, to convoy a quantity of provisions to 
the camp, the whole under the command of Colonel Ster- 
ling. These three regiments, and the four battalions in 
Philadelphia, being separated from the main body, Washing- 
ton determined to surprise the army of Howe at German- 
town ; and accordingly moved down rapidly from his camp 
at Schippack creek, on the evening of the '-id of October, 
and reached Germantown early on the 4th. His army had 
been strengthened by a reinforcement from Peekskill, and ja 
body of Maryland militia. 

The British lines crossed the valley of Germantown at right 
angles near its centre ; its flanks were strongly 
guarded, and one of them, the left, rested upon the 
Schuylkill. The American army was divided into several 
columns, which made simultaneous attacks by different roads, 
upon the enemy's positions, and at first success sjeqmed cer- 
tain. About sunrise, G^neraJ Sullivan drove io tfcie British 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 207 

piquets on the British left, and Greene was equally success- 
ful on the right. Several brigades penetrated the town, and 
victory appeared to be decided in favor of the Americans. 
The fortune of the day was changed by an unlooked for 
event. Colonel Musgrave, a British officer, in retreating be- 
fore the division of Sullivan, threw himself, with his com- 
panies of light troops, into a stone house, called Chew's house, 
and made a most gallant and persevering defence. Every 
attempt to dislodge him proved ineffectual. The Ameri- 
can line was checked, and tlirown into disorder. A fog 
which had risen increased the confusion, and gave the enemy 
time to rally. The spirit of the troops flagged, and in the 
midst of a career of apparent victory, they were thus check- 
ed and finally began to retreat. AH efforts to rally them 
were unavailing and Washington, seeing the battle lost, drew 
off his troops, just as Cornwallis came up with a squadron of 
horse, to the succor of the British. The pursuit continued 
for some miles, but the Americans save 1 all their artillery. 
Their loss was about two hundred killed, among whom was 
General Nash of North Carolina, six hundred wounded, and 
several hundred prisoners. Of the British, the killed were 
about one hundred in number, and the wounded four hun- 
dred. 

The American army retreated about twenty miles to 
Parkyomy creek, and being reinforced by 1500 militia, re- 
urned to their old camp at Scihppack. Congress by a vote 
approved of the plan of attack, and returned thanks to the 
officers and soldiers, for their conduct at the battle of Ger- 
mantown. 

General Howe immediately broke up his encampment at 
Germantown, and moved his whole force into the city. Pro- 
visions began to grow scarce, and he found it necessary to 
turn his whole attention to the opening of the navigation of 
the Delaware. Washington strengthened the garrisons at forts 
Mifflin and Mercer, called upon the government of New 
Jersey to turn out the militia to form a camp to support 
them, commanded all the roads leading to the city by his 
detachments, and under the authority of Congress proclaim- 
ed martial law against all citizens who should furnish the 
enemy with supplies. Thus situated. General Howe found, 
as Franklin sarcastically remarked, that "instead of taking 
Philadelphia, Philadelphia had taken him." 



908 HISTORY OF THE 

The main body of the American army tocA post at White 
Marsh, about fifteen miles from the city. 

No change of position was made by either army, nor ac- 
tion of moment undertaken on either side, until the 22d ot 
the month ; previous to which the campaign in the North 
had concluded triumphantly, by the total defeat of the Brit- 
ish, and the capture of Burgoyne and his army. To pursue 
a connected narrative of the events of 1777 in that quarter, 
it will be necessary to go back several months in the order ol 
time, to the beginning of the campaign in the North. 



AMERICAN REVOLUtlON. 209 



CHAPTER X. 

General Burgoyne, who bad served in Canada in the cam- 
paign of 1776, under General Carleton, arrived at Quebec in 
the beginning of the month of May, 1777, and was followed 
by a large regular force from England, designed to make a 
descent upon the United States through Lake Champlain, 
and effect a junction with Sir William Howe at New York. 
This plan had always found favor wiih the ministry, and 
had been earnestly pressed upon them by Burgoyne on his 
return from America. His representations strengthened 
their opinion, that the most effectual means of subduing the 
revolutionary spirit, was to separate the States ; so that New 
England, which Avas thought to be the principal seat of dis- 
turbance, would be cut off from communication with the 
rest of the country, and reduced to obedience. It was de- 
termined, therefore, to provide a powerful army, well ap- 
pointed in every respect, to make success certain. Bur- 
goyne, whose personal solicitations had done much to 
hasten and arrange the expedition, was made commander-in- 
chief, to the prejudice of Sir Guy Carleton, the governor 
of Canada, whose popularity as a man of talents and energy, 
was very high, and who had contributed so efficiently to the 
recovery of the provinces the year before. Carleton, dis- 
satisfied with being superseded, asked leave to resign, but 
with honorable magnanimity exerted the utmost zeal and ac- 
tivity in forwarding the objects of the expedition. The 
regular corps of the army, consisting of British and Hessians, 
amounted to about seven fhousand men, exclusive of the ar- 
tillery corps. The brass train sent out for the service, was 
esteemed the finest and best appointed, ever allotted to a 
force of that magnitude. To these was added a detachment 
of 700 rangers, under Colonel St. Leger, destined to make 
an incursion into the Mohawk country to seize Fort Stanwix, 
otherwise called fort Schuyler. It was also ordered that two 
thousand Canadians, consisting of hatchmen and other work- 
men, should join the army, to aid in forcing a way through the 
woods. Seamen were collected for manning the necessary 
vessels to command the Lake, and convey the trooos down 

S 2 



210 HISTORY or THE 

the Hudson. Other parties were collected to scour the courx- 
try onthe frontier, and occupy the intermediate posts, amount- 
ing to at least three thousand men. Every aid, of arms, 
munitions of war, provisions, clothing, and baggage of all 
descriptions, was amply provided, and sanguine calculations 
were made that by this army the rebellion would be put down 
at once. 

The generals who accompanied Burgoyne, were eminen* 
and veteran officers. Among the principal were General 
Philips of the artillery, and generals Reidesel and Specht, 
Germans, and the British generals Frazer, Powell, and 
Hamilton. 

The Americans, on the other hand, had paid early atten- 
tion to their defence, in that quarter. They had construct- 
ed an additional fort, on the opposite side of the strait on 
which Ticonderoga stands, which they called Mount In- 
dependence. The obstruction of the navigation was a great 
point, and they sunk cassoons in the channel, so as to serve 
also as a bridge of communication between the forts, and to 
prevent the British from drawing their small craft over land 
into Lake George, they also obstructed the navigation of that 
lake. Fort Schuyler was fortified, and other forts erected 
along the Mohawk river. Requisitions were made for thir- 
teen thousand six hundred men for the security of the dis- 
trict, and the adjacent States were called upon to fill up their 
militia in readiness for an active campaign. General Schuy- 
ler was appointed to the command of the northern campaign 
at an early date, thus superseding General Gates, a nomina- 
tion which produced no little dissatisfaction at the time. 
He took the command on the 3d of June, and despatched 
General St. Clair immediately to Ticonderoga. Burgoyne's 
plan of the campaign was two-fold. He, with the main 
anny, was to proceed by Champlain and the Hudson, to 
Albany, and Colonel St. Leger, with a second detachment 
of about two thousand troops, was directed to ascend the St. 
Lawrence, and by the Oswego and Fort Stanwix, join the 
general at Albany. Thence both were to proceed by th- 
Hudson to New York. 

The preparations being completed, on the most elaborate 
and careful scale, Burgoyne moved forward, and in the be- 

I ginning of the last week in June, arrived in the 
neighborhood of Crown Point. He held a confer- 
ence at the river Bouquet with his Indiaa allies, many of 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 211 

which had been engaged, by the influence of governor Carle- 
ton. He addressed them in terms of energy, to excite them 
to take part with the royal forces, and endeavored to impress 
upon them the necessity of regarding the laws of civilized 
warfare, in their mode of combat, and the treatment of their 
captives. Having fully secured the co-operation of the In- 
dians, he endeavored to improve the advantage their alliance 
gave him, in intimidating the Americans. On the | 
29th of June, he issued a proclamation, with the j 
design of spreading terror among them, magnifying the force 
of the armies and fleets prepared to crush the revolted colo- 
nies, and insisting upon the numbers and ferocity of their In- 
dian allies. Promises of favor and support were held out to 
such as should aid in establishing the government of the king, 
and all the horrors of war and devastation threatened against 
those who should persist in rebellion. Thousands of Indians, 
he admonished them, were ready at his bidding, to be let 
loose against, "the hardened enemies of Great Britain and 
America." This proclamation justl}' provoked some animad- 
version in England, and was strongly censured in both houses 
of parliament. In the United States it kindled a general in- 
dignation at the atrocity of its sentiments, mingled with 
derision at its pompous denunciations. The temper of the 
people was too stern for such intimidations, and his gran- 
diloquent threats of Indian massacres, served to inflame 
resentment, and stimulate resistance. 

All preparations being made, Burgoyne advanced towards 
Ticonderoga ; there he expected to meet with a vigorous op- 
position. The natural strength of the post, and its great im- 
portance as the key to the navigation of the lakes, com- 
manding the entrance to the interior of New York, justified 
him in believing that a strong effort would be made to pre- 
serve the fort, and check his advance. But the garrison 
under General St. Clair, was totally inadequate to its defence. 
Their numbers did not exceed three thousand men, badly 
armed, particularly in the essential article of bayonets, in 
which they were almost totally deficient. The militia which 
had been called for to reinforce them, had not arrived, and 
no rational expectation was entertained of a successful de- 
fence, unless the enemy should undertake to carry the place, 
by a general assault, in which the bravery of the Americans 
might have foiled them, by a gallant and fortunate repulse. 
Burgoyne, however, acted with more caution; and havingf 



S12 HISTORY *0r THE •w'-A 

landed his troops on the. 15th of July, advanced regularly on 
both sides of the lake, Avhile his fleet kept the centre. Ticon- 
deroga and Mount Independence were both invested, and in 
a few days nearly surrounded by the enemy's Avorks. They 
had also established themselves at Sugar-loaf hill, or Moun* 
Defiance, as it was also called, an eminence which overlooked 
both posts, but which the Americans had not been able to 
fortify or man for their defence. All the American works 
were now fully exposed to the fire of the enemy, and a bom- 
bardment from all points simultaneously, was to be hourly 
expected, when General St. Clair called a council of war to 
determine whether it would be better to withdraw 
all the troops Avithin Mount Independence, and de- 
fend that post to the last extremity, or abandon the whole. 
It was unanimously recommended to him to retreat, as soon 
aspossMc, which Avas accordinj^ly undertaken with prompti- 
tude and secrecy, that same ni2;ht. The garrison, divided into 
two bodies, the first under St. Clair, and the second command- 
ed by Colonel Francis, took up their route for Castleton, b}' 
the way of Hubbardstown, along the right bapk of the lake. 
The baggage, stores, and sick, were embarked in batteaux, 
and despatched under the convoy of five galleys, and escorted 
by a detachment, commanded by Colonel Long, to Skenes- 
borough, or Whitehall, on Lake George. A storm which rose 
towards morning embarrassed the movements of all these 
parties, and the accidental firing of a house, gave notice to 
the enemy of what was going on. The land detachments 
had pushed forward with rapidity, before the pursuit was 
fully commenced, and it was found necessary to clear the 
obstructions in the channel before the British fleet could get 
into motion, to follow Colonel Long and his convoy. Bur- 
goyne himself accompanied the fleet, which, favored by winds 
and superior sailing, overtook the Americans near the Skenes- 
borough falls, and soon overpowered them. Two of the 
batteaux were captured and several destroyed in the battle, 
upon which Colonel Long destroyed the others, with all the 
stores, provisions, and baggage, together with the works and 
mills, of the place, and hastily retreated to Fort Anne. 

The divisions which left the fort by the land route, were 
pursued by a corps of British troops under General Frazer, 
andoneof German under General Reidesel. On the 
"^^ '' ■ seventh, they overtook the American forces com- 
manded bv Colonel Francis, at Hubbardstown, and after an 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 213 

obstinately contested action, routed them with considerable 
loss. Among the killed was Colonel Francis, and the killed, 
wounded, and missing, many of whom perished for want in 
the woods, were not far from one thousand in number. The 
British lost one hundred and eighty. General St. Clair, with 
his own division, learning these several disasters, instead of 
proceeding, as had been his design, to Fort Anne, where 
Colonel Long with his corps had taken refuge, turned off into 
the woods, and having collected as many as possible of the 
fugitives from the defeat at Hubbardstown, proceeded across 
the country to FOrt Edward on the Hudson, to unite with 
General Schuyler, whose head-quarters were there. Colonel 
Long after resisting gallantly the attack of several British regi- 
ments sent against his post, set it on fire, and withdrew to 
Fort Edward. 

St. Clair joined General Schuyler on the 12th July. After 
his arrival, the whole American force, including the fugitives 
that came in, and the recruits that had been collected at 
Fort Edward, was about 4400 men, including the militia, with- 
out supplies, arms, or ammunition. The Americans had lost 
in the late reverses, one hundred and ninety-eight pieces of 
artillery, and a vast amount of warlike stores and provi- 
sions, especially flour, that had been necessarily abandoned 
in their flight. They had, moreover, lost confidence, and a 
general terror fell upon the country. The power and successes 
of the enemy were portrayed in exaggerated terms. Indeed, 
a comparison of the scanty remnants of a northern army as- 
sembled at Fort Edward, M'ith the victorious troops of Bur- 
goyne, gave but too strong causes for gloomy apprehensions. 
The popular discontent vented itself in loud censures of 
the conduct of General St. Clair, in abandoning Ticonderoga, 
and of General Schuyler, for the whole arrangement of the 
campaign. An inquiry into their conduct subsequently order- 
ed by Congress, terminated after a long delay in their ac- 
quittal of all misconduct; but the confidence of the army 
and the people, was withdrawn from them, at the most criti- 
cal period. Jt is evident, from a review of the whole case, 
that the actual condition of the garrison was not sufficiently 
known to Congress, and its strength very much overrated. 
If blame is to be attached to St. Clair at all, it is now agreed, 
that it should be not for abandoning the fort at last, but for 
holding out so long. But at the time murmurs were loud 
against the whole direction of tne army, and this distrust in thfn 



Aug. 20. 



214 HISTORY OF THE 

officers retarded very much the progress of the recruiting ser- 
vice. Fort George, which had remained in possession of the 
Americans, was evacuated, and shortly afler, it was found im- 
possible to retain Fort Edward. On the 2*2d,the whole army 
retired to Moses' creek, and on the 30th, retreated still fur- 
ther to Saratoga, and still unable to make an efficient stand, 
continued their retreat to Stillwater, at which place 
they finally encamped on the 20th of August. 
Burgoyne, in the interim had emploj'ed his army in a la- 
borious effort to open a direct communication across the 
countr}^ from Whitehall to Fort Edward on the Hudson, 
through the woods. The distance is comparatively smaTJ, 
but the nature of the country was such, as to make the pas- 
sage almost impracticable to a large body of men, and Gene- 
ral Schuyler had been active in increasing the difficulties by 
every means in his power. The bridges over the streams, 
of which there had been a great number, were brokfen up, 
and the defiles through which the paths usually ran, were 
obstructed by large trees, which he had caused to be cut 
down, so as to fall, across the way and lengthwise, and thus 
interlock their branches to present an almost insurmountable 
barrier. In this toilsome undertaking the British were com- 
pelled to construct not less than fort}' bridges, one of which 
was a log-work two miles long, across a morass. A party 
which had been left at Ticondcroga was equally active in 
conveying gunboats, provisions, and batteaux over land to 
Lake George. On the advance of the British towards Fort 
Edward, by this route, which place they reached on the 
30th of July, and tlie corisequentabandonment of Fort George, 
and the retreat of the army of the Americans, the route 
from Ticonderoga was left open, and the rest of the trans- 
portation required for the army, was carried on from Fort 
George to the navigable waters of the Hudson, a distance 
of eighteen miles across the country. So difficult was even 
this route, though preferable to that by ^Vhitehall, that a 
fortnight had elapsed — from the thirtieth of July to the fif- 
teenth of August — before provisions for only four days con- 
sumption had been collected ; and not ten batteaux had been 
afloat on the river. Heavy rains obstructed the works, and 
it was found impossible to procure supplies for daily use, ex- 
cept what were brought from Ticonderoga. The effect of the 
progress of the army, triumphant thus far, began to be 
weakened. The joy with which tlie possession of the Hud- 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 215 

son was hailed, was succeeded by embarrassment and anx 
iety — even without an opposing force ; and the delay gave 
the Americans time to rally. 

Proclamations had been issued by both sides, Burgoyne 
announced, in the language of a conqueror, the victories ot 
the English, and the approaching subjugation of all America, 
and called upon the inhabitants to send deputations to give 
in their adhesion to the regal cause. Schuyler reiterated the 
determination of the States to hold out to the last, invok- 
ing the perseverance of the people in the good cause, by 
every consideration of duty, interest, and patriotism. 

He availed himself skilfully of every day's delay to abate 
the panic which had at first overwhelmed the people, to re- 
kindle their courage, and rouse them to arms. In this he was 
most effectually aided, by the conduct of the British and 
their allies, Germans and Indians. The barbarities practised 
in New Jersey arose fresh in their recollections, and the 
cruelties committed by the Indians in Burgoyne's army, 
whom he found it impossible to restrain, contributed to make 
the royal cause odious, and inflame the resentment of Amer- 
icans. When the republican army began to retreat down 
the Hudson, the spirit of the country began to rise again. 
,A new army seemed to spring out of the woods and moun- 
tains. AU around the march of the enemy, parties of militia 
poured from every hill and valley to harass them with par- 
tizan attacks, and cut off their supplies. As the regular force 
of Schuyler, wasted by toils and defeats, diminished, it was re- 
cruited by increased numbers of fresh and spirited yeomanry.' 
Washington reinforced them with several regiments from 
PeekskilJ, commanded by Arnold, and, without waiting the 
order of Congress, called out the militia of New England, 
and placed them under the command of General Lincoln. 
Morgan, with his riflemen, was detached for the land ser- 
vice, so that, by the middle of August, the army amounted 
to about thirteen thousand men, and the militia were ripe 
every where for co-operation. The PoUsh hero, Kosciusko, 
was in the army, as chief engineer. 

The second division of Burgoyne's forces, under Colonel St. 
Leger, had been, as stated above, appointed to ascend the St 
Lawrence, from Quebec, and penetrating through the Mohawk 
country, to intercept the Americans at the junction of the Mo- 
hawk and 'Hudson, and unite \vith the main army there. He 
nad succeeded in reaching Fort Schuyler, to which he laid 



ftl6 HISTORY OF THE 

siege, with his regular force, and a large party of Indiana, com- 
jnanded by Sir John Johnson, the whole amounting to abou* 
2,000 men. General Herkimer raised a party of the neigh- 
boring militia, and pushed on to the relief of tho 
"^■^' ■ garrison, but unfortunately allowed himself to beled 
into an English ambuscade, in which he ^as defeated and 
slain, with the loss of one hundred and sixty of his men, killed. 
The militia defended themselves with great resolution andob 
stinacy. Few of them would have escaped, but for a vigorous 
and gallant sortie from the fort, led by Colonel Willett, which 
suddenly attacked the camp of the besiegers, killed a great 
many, drove numbers into the woods, and, having seized a 
large quantity of baggage, and besieging tools, returned to 
the fort in triumph, and without loss. This diversion ena- 
bled the remainder of Herkimer's detachment to save them- 
selves by retreat. In these combats the Indians behaved 
with such ferocity and insubordination, as to alarm the Brit- 
.'sh officers, not only for the reputation of their arms, but for 
the fidelity of their savage allies. Distrust grew up between 
them, and acts of violence against each other shortly afl;er 
occurred, to increase the mutual dislike. St. Leger availed 
himself of the immediate terror produced by this defeat to 
demand the surrender of the fortress from Colonel Ganse- 
voort, the commander. He employed every art of intimida- 
tion to increase the impression produced by the violence and 
cruelty of the Indians, and represented himself as unable to 
restrain them, if the defence should be continued longer. 
The immediate massacre of the garrison, and of ever}' man, 
woman, and child in the Mohawk country, was set forth as the 
unavoidable consequence of opposition to the Indians. The 
answer of Colonel Gansevoort was simple. The United States 
had entrusted him with the charge of the garrison, and " he 
was determined to defend it to the last extremity against all 
enemies whatsoever, without any concern for the conse- 
quences of doing his duty." Colonel Willett, who had led 
the successful sortie, performed, in company with another 
officer, another daring feat, in order to obtain succor for the 
beleagured fortress. They passed, by night, through the midst 
of the British camp, escaped the sagacity even of the In- 
dians, and made their way, for a distance of fifty miles, 
through pathless woods and morasses, to give notice of the 
danger of the garrison. Information reached (General Schuyler 
on the ^th July, and Arnold was immediately despatched 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 217 

tvith eight hundred men, and a few militia who could be pre- 
vailed upon to join him, to FortSchuyler. Their numbers were 
inferior to those of St. Leger, and Arnold accordingly had re- 
course to a stratagem, to terrify the Indians in St. Leger's 
camp, which completely succeeded. An emissary, Cuyler by 
name, was sent among the Indians, as a deserter, with in- 
structions to magnify the numbers of the Americans, who 
were approaching. This finesse was aided by the discontent 
already existing among them, and their disappointment at the 
proti acted defence of the fort. A part of them hastily de- 
camped, and the rest threatened to follow, unless a retreat 
was instantly ordered. The siege, which had been continued 
for eighteen days, was precipitately raised, before Arnold's 
arrival, and in such disorder that most of the artillery, stores, 
tents, and baggage, fell into the hands of the garrison. In 
the retreat, the Indians quarrelled with their allies, and rob- 
bed them. A violent quarrel broke out between the com- 
manding officers, St. Leger and Johnson, which was with 
difficulty appeased. 

Whilst the contest for the possession of Fort Schuyler was 
going on, an action was fought at Bennington, 
which gave the first decisive turn to the current of "^' 
'events that had been hitherto so adverse to the American 
^ause in the North. Burgoyne, desirous of aiding the ad- 
vance of St. Leger's forces, thought to occupy the attention 
of the American army by a sudden and rapid advance down 
the Hudson. They were between him and Albany, in con- 
siderable strength. If he could engage them in front, so as 
to prevent them from succoring Fort Schuyler, they might be 
assailed in flank by the other division descending the Mo- 
hawk, and forced either to risk a general battle or to retire 
into New England. The difficulty of maintaining a commu- 
nication with Fort Edward and Fort George, whence all his 
supplies were drawn, presented an obstacle to his rapid 
movement. This he determined to remove by seizing upon 
a quantity of stores Avhich the Americans had collected at 
Bennington, in Vermont, distant about twenty miles from the 
Hudson. The magazines were guarded only by parties of 
militia, and the intermediate country was represented to be 
favorably disposed to the_ royalists. A plan was formed to 
capture those stores, and, the army being thus supplied 
to push on boldly against the republican camp. 

The detachment ordered on this service consisted of about 

T 



m 



HISTORY OF THE 



five hundred men, chiefly Hessians and Canadians, with 
about one hundred Indians, under the command of Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Baum, a German officer of distinction. To sup- 
port him, a Brunswick regiment of grenadiers and light-dtt- 
fantry, under Colonel Breyman, were directed to follow and 
take post at Batten Hill. Baum advanced with considerable 
difficulty on account of the badness of the roads, but with lit- 
tle hostile opposition, until he approached the town of Ben- 
nington, where he found an unexpected force prepared to 
oppose him. Colonel Stark, with a party of New Hampshire 
militia, was on his way to the American camp, when intelli- 
gence of the expedition of Baum was brought him. He hast- 
ened to collect the neighboring militia to repulse him. Baum, 
after some skirmishing with part of the American force, find- 
ing them too numerous for him, encamped upon advantageous 
ground, on Walloon Creek, about four miles from Benning- 
ton, and sent for reinforcements. A storm of rain retarded as 
well the operations of Colonel Stark, as the advance of the 
expected succors, for two days. On the 16th, 
"^' ''■ Stark, having been strengthened by the arrival 
of some militia, determined upon attacking the Hessians 
in their entrenchments before a junction could be form- 
ed with Breyman's regiment. He divided his force into 
several divisions, and charged the enemy in front, flank, and 
rear, at nearly the same time, with great impetuosity. 
Baum made a gallant resistance : after his artillery had 
been captured, and his ammunition expended, he led on the 
Hessians, sword in hand ; and was only conquered by the 
repeated and overwhelming charges of Stark's militia. The 
Am.ericans fought with extraordinary spirit, and their firing 
was compared, in the official account of the battle, to " one 
uninterrupted peal of thunder." The corps of Breyman 
arrived on the field immediately after the discomfiture of 
Baum's division, and while the Americans were dispersed in 
pursuit, not expecting another engagement. They rallied to 
attack this new enemy, and a shaip contest recommenced, 
about four in the afternoon. The battle was soon decided in 
favour of the Americans, by the charge of Colonel Warner, 
at the head of a regiment of the line ; and the Germans gave 
way, and were pursued until dark, with the loss of their bag- 
gage, artillery, and arms. The royalists lost in these two 
battles, about seven hundred men, the greater part prisoners 
The American loss was about seventy. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 219 

The fruits of this battle were of the highest value, inde- 
pendent of the mere loss of men to the enemy, considerable 
as that was. It was the firet victory which had been gained 
by the armies of the United States in the campaign. In 
every direction they had been retreating before superior 
forces, and manoeuvring to avoid the enemy ever since the 
month of March. In the southern department Washington 
had carefully avoided an engagement with Howe, and from 
the first appearance of Burgoyne before Ticonderoga, nothino- 
but defeat had befallen the arms of America. The battle of 
Bennington changed the face of affairs, and reanimated the 
courage of the militia. They had met a highly disciplined 
corps in the open field, and defeated them by hard fighting, 
and had taken by assault a camp entrenched strongly and 
defended by regulars. As a military achievement, it was 
just ground for general exultation. It restored confidence, 
gratified national pride, and kindled military enthusiasm by 
the trophies of victory which it furnished. On the British 
this effect was reversed. Defeat produced mortification if 
not absolute depression. The direct effects of the loss, in 
the condition and prospects of the army, were severe, — and, 
as the event showed, of fatcJ. importance. It deranged the 
entire plan of the campaign, arrested thie advance movement 
which had been contemplated, and compelled the army to 
halt, inactive, in an enemy's country, until the necessary 
supplies could be brought from Fort George. The delay was 
a loss to them of nearly a month, — from the sixteenth of 
August to the thirteenth of September, — within which period 
the Americans, flushed with the triumphs of Bennington and 
Fort Schuyler, were recruiting their forces, and gathering 
all things necessary for following up those successes vigor- 
ously. 

Congress, on the 4th of August, had superseded General 
Schuyler, and on the 21st Geneml Gates arrived and as- 
sumed the command. The army was then encamped at 
Vanshaick's Island, and Burgoyne occupying his camp on 
the left bank of the Hudson, was employed in transporting 
supplies from the lakes. Soon after the arrival of Gates, the 
army received the reinforcements already mentioned, in- 
cluding Morgan's celebrated corps of riflemen, and the New 
York militia, raised by the indefatigable activity of George 
Clinton. 

A daring enteiprise was undertaken, about the same time, 



SaBO HISTORY OP THE 

by a party of New England militia, who penetrated across 
the country, in the rear of the British, seized on a number 
of posts on the lake, and actually laid siege to Ticonderoga, 
but, from a deficiency of artillery, were compelled to retire. 
This gallant corps was under the direction of Grcneral Lin- 
coln. 

The indignation of the Americans was aggravated by an 
atrocious act of murder, committed by some of the Indian 
allies of Burgoyne, on the person of an amiable and accom- 
plished young lady. Miss M'Crea, of Fort Edward, the 
daughter of an American loyalist, was betrothed to a British 
officer, in the army of Burgoyne, and on the approach of the 
anny the impatient lover sent a party of Indians to conduct 
his bride to the British camp. She consented to accompany 
them, but, on the road, her savage guides quarrelled about 
the reward that had been promised them, and, exasperated 
by mutual contradictions, ended the dispute by ferociously 
murdering the innocent victim. So horrible an incident 
under circumstances appealing so slrongl}^ to the sj^mpathies, 
roused a universal cry of detestation against the employ- 
ment of Indians in civilized warfare, and stimulated the 
Americans to deeper resentment against the army in which 
such allies were employed. Burgoyne answered the indig. 
nant representations of Gates by arresting the murderers 
but subsequently pardoned them, as an act of policy, not 
the less reprobating the inhuman act. This policy did not 
succeed in retaining the aid of the Indians. Already dis- 
satisfied with delay and inaction, and disappointed of the 
plunder the}' had expected, they resented the attempt to re- 
strain them further, and deserted in great numbers. The 
Canadians were not more faithful, and in a few weeks he 
found that all the force he could rely upon was the British 
and Hessian regulars. Finally, having supplied himself with 
thirty days provisions from the magazines in his 
*^'"' rear, he took the bold step of breaking up his line 

of intercourse with Canada, and crossed the river to the left 
bank with his whole force. Four days after he encamped at 
Saratoga, in front of the army of Gates, which lay encamp- 
ed near Stillwater, about three miles below. 

This movement separated him from his communications 
with the supplies in his rear, and threw him at once upon 
the resources of his army, to force their way through to 
Albany, and form a junction with the forces of Sir Henry 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 9!ll 

Clinton from below. The event showed that he had miscal- 
culated his own strength and that of his opponents, and that 
the plan of co-operation between the two armies had not 
been thoroughly understood. The expedition from New 
York failed in the most essential points, and from the day of 
the crossing of the Hudson the fate of his army was deter- 
mined, and a few weeks saw it surrounded and captured by 
the republican forces, over whom he had promised himself 
an easy victory. 

On the nineteenth, the battle of Stillwater was fought by 
the two armies, with great obstinacy and courage. I 
Although there was no decisive result on the field, ! " 
it had all the effects of a victory to the Americans. The)', for 
the first time in the campaign, met the British regulars in a 
pitched battle, and maintained their ground with unexpect- 
ed firmness and success. The conflict began between 
scouting parties, and continued irregularly for an hour and a 
half, each being gradually reinforced until both armies were 
engaged, and a hot and prolonged firing was kept up for 
three hours. The British and Americans were alternately 
driven back, but rallied again with determined courage, 
and each party seemed resolute in maintaining their posi- 
tion at all hazards. The British had the advantage of several 
pieces of artillery, which were taken and recovered several 
times during the action. Night put an end to the prolonged 
battle, without positive defeat on either side. But, as the 
enemy fought to force the position of the Americans, and did 
not succeed while the latter remained where they were in 
the morning, the fruits of a victory were evidently theirs, 
independently of the vast moral effect of having arrested the 
progress of Burgoyne in a regular battle. The Indians and 
Canadians, in particular, who had remained with the Brit- 
ish, were disheartened, and deserted in increasing num- 
bers. The actual loss of that army, in killed and wounded, 
was about five hundred ; of the Americans, three hundred 
and twenty. Arnold distinguished himself in this battle by 
his daring and almost desperate bravery. An unfortunate 
dispute occurred not long afterwards between him and Gen- 
eral Gates, which produced such resentment that he threw 
up his command. The cause of offence was the assumption 
by Gates of the direction of a part of the army, which Ar- 
nold thought subject exclusively to his own direction. This 
was one of the first of the dissensions which provoked tho 

T2 



IfBBSi AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 

excitable temper of Arnold, and led, among other and baser 
causes, to his subsequent betrayal of his country. 

After the battle of Stillwater, Burgoyne encamped near 
the former position, entrenching himself for the purpose of 
waiting the expected co-operation of Clinton, from New 
York. Gates followed his example, fortifying his lines, en- 
couraging his army by frequent skirmishes Avith the enemy, 
and increasing their numbers constantly by the numerous 
bodies of militia, which flocked to him now that the pros- 
pect of success became so flattering. General Lincoln 
brought two thousand men of the best New England troops, 
and, on the retirement of Arnold, succeeded to his com- 
mand. On the 4th of October, the American army was 
eleven thousand strong, of whom at least seven thousand 
were effective men, and the British little exceeded four 
thousand. Burgoyne had but three weeks provisions in store, 
and a return to Ticonderoga would occupy at least eight 
days, under the most favourable train of events. He had 
therefore but a fortnight in which to expect the co-operation 
of Clinton, to force his way against the American army, or 
to commence a retreat. Such, in a few days, had been the 
change of prospects in an army which had set out so tri- 
umphantly only a month before. 

In the middle of September Burgoyne received a com- 
munication from Clinton, promising a tard}' and ineflScient 
expedition, compared to what had been expected, to move up 
the North River, in order to occupy the army of Gates by an 
assault from below, and thus aid the Northern army. Replies 
were instantly despatched, stating the condition of the army, 
and informing Clinton that the provisions in store would 
not enable itto hold out beyond the 12th of October. It was 
therefore all Important that an early movement should be 
made to relieve it. In the beginning of October it became 
necessary to reduce the soldiers rations, and news from be- 
low was looked for with intense anxiety. No intelligence 
being received, he determined upon making a stronger ef- 
fort than he had heretofore ventured on and, on the after- 
noon of the seventh, made an attack, which brought on the 
decisive battle of Saratoga. 

• Burgoyne himself, aided by Gfenerals Phillips, Reidesel, 
and Fraser, led a picked column of fifteen hundred men 
against the American left. His left flank was commanded 
by Major Ackland, and his right by the Eari of Balcarras. 



AMERICAN RK VOLUTION. 223 

The battle was opened by the Americans simultaneously 
against the right and left wings, with extraordinary impet- 
uosity. General Poor, with the New Hampshire militia, at- 
tacked the left; and Morgan, with his ritiemen, poured in 
his irresistible charge upon the right, which, after a gallant 
resistance, was compelled to give way. In the meantime 
the Americans had extended their assault along the whole 
line of Germans, and pushed forward a detachment to inter- 
cept them in their retreat. The battle was obstinate and 
bloody, but did not last long. In less than an hour the Brit- 
ish left gave way before the repeated assaults of the Ameri- 
cans, and the whole line, attacked in front and driven back 
upon both flanks, was compelled to retire in confusion. 
The assailants followed them up, and a part of the lines were 
forced by a regiment of which Arnold had assumed the com- 
mand. During the whole fight he performed feats of cour- 
age and audacity, almost frantic — dashing into the midst of 
the enemy, fighting single-handed, and leading on troops in 
every part of the field. The fighting did not terminate till 
nightfall, and the British army rested, with the loss of four 
hundred killed and wounded, among whom were several of 
their best officers. They lost besides, eight field pieces, 
some tents, carts, and a considerable quantity of baggage. 
The American killed and wounded did not exceed eighty. 

The British General Fraser was mortally wounded in the 
action. His obsequies were performed at the close of the 
next day, with great solemnity, in the darkness of night, 
amidst the blaze and roar of the American cannon, the balls 
dashing the earth in the faces of the mourners over the 
corpse. Gates was, at the time, unaware of the nature of 
the ceremony. 

On the night after the battle, Burgoyne, perceiving his posi- 
tion no longer tenable against the approaches of the enemy, 
determined upon a change of ground, which he effected suc- 
cessfully and without loss, taking up a stronger position. The 
Americans instantly occupied his abandoned camp. He wait- 
ed under arms the whole of the next day, in expectation of a re- 
newed battle ; but nothing but a few skirmishings took place. 
In one of these General Lincoln was dangerously wounded. 
General Gates was not inclined to risk the fruits of so de- 
risive an action, by making an attack at disadvantage. He 
preferred dispatching detachments to occupy the fords of 
the river, to obstruct the retreat of Burgoyne in that direction, 



224 HISTORY OF THE 

and another strong force to reach beyond his right flank, and 
thus surround him. The British general, hastily abandoning 
his hospital to the humanity of the Americans, put his army 
immediately in motion, and retreated to Saratoga, six miles 
up the river, by a night march. On this march, his soldiers 
burnt and destroyed the houses and other property' on their 
way. Gates followed them step by step, cautiously, with- 
out giving him any opportunity of battle. He hastened to 
occupy Fort Edward, in order to secure the passage of the 
river there. On the 10th and 11th, the two armies were near 
each other, and some skirmishes took place between them 
at Fishkill creek. The Americans were, however, in such 
force there, as to destroy all hope of being able to cross, 
and Burgoyne accordingly determined, as his last hope, to 
abandon his artillery, baggage, carriages, and encumbrances 
of every kind, except provisions to be carried on the backs 
of the soldiers, and, by a rapid night march up the river, to 
cross above Fort Edward, and force a passage to Fort George. 
His scoutSj sent out to reconnoitre, reported the roads to be 
almost impracticable, and further information of the precau- 
tions taken by the Americans, compelled him to abandon 
even this forlorn expedition. Abandoned by his Indian and 
Canadian allies, his troops worn out with toil and fighting, 
destitute of supplies, their numbers reduced from ten thou- 
sand, healthy and effective men, to less than five thousand, 
and surrounded by an army three times their number, and 
too secure of triumph to risk the chance of a battle, Bur- 
goyne was forced to relinquish all hope of extricating him- 
self, and depend, as his only chance, upon the aid of Clinton 
from below, and that within a few days. That feeble hope wac 
vain. Clinton, whose tardiness in the whole campaign is 
inexplicable, never moved up the river till the 5th of October. 
His force wa« about three thousand men, and his first enter- 
prise was against Fort Montgomery, which commands the 
passage of the river, at the entrance of the Highlands. The 
strength of the works was towards the river, which Sir 
Henry Clinton avoided, by landing his men at Stoney Point, 
below, and marching them to attack the land side of the fort. 
He had made several feints of landing in other places, but 
his true design was foreseen, and the fort manned as strongly 
as possible, under the direction of Governor Gfeorge Clin- 
ton, and his brother, General James Clinton. The resistance 
was bravely maintained until dark, when the British entered 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 225 



Oct. Ctb. 

inton, at 



the fort, with fixed bayonets. The defenders fought 
their way out of the fort, and under the cover 
of the night escaped, with little loss. Sir Henry C 
the same time, took possession of Fort Clinton, and then 
employed himself at his leisure in removing the obstructions 
to the navigation, which had been constructed by the Amer- 
icans. With a free navigation before him, instead of pro- 
ceeding to the assistance of Burgoyne, then in great strait, 
and anxiously looking for succor, he lost his time, and dis- 
graced his arms by ravaging and plundering the countr}'-. 
Tryon, with one party, totally destroyed a settlement, called 
Continental Village ; and another division of the force, un- 
der Sir James Wallace, devastated the property and farm- 
houses on both sides of the river, without compunction and 
wantonly. On the thirteenth of October, General Vaughan 
landed at Esopus, or Kingston, a fine and flourishing village, 
Dn the west bank of the Hudson, and laid it in ruins ; not a 
'louse was left standing. Ever}'' thing upon which their 
vengeance could be wreaked, was burnt or destroyed. Their 
lets were well calculated to excite keenly the resentment of 
the Americans, against the authors of such sa^'age barbari- 
ties ; but General Gates was too wise to be tempted to vv'eak- 
en his force by detaching any portion of it against the ma- 
rauders. He suffered them to exhaust their time in injuring 
private individuals and plundering private property', while 
he pressed more closely upon the devoted army, so com- 
pletely hemmed in by the republican forces. He wrote an 
indignant letter to Vaughan, after Burgoyne's surrender, 
which contained the followins: threat: " Abler o:enerals and 
older officers than you can pretend to be, are now, by the 
fortune of war, in my hands. Their fortune may one day be 
yours, when, sir, it may not be in the power of any thing 
human, to save you from the just revenge of an injured peo- 
ple." Why this course was pursued, and a week lost in 
these predatory excursions, when a vigorous march would 
have brought them within reach of Burgoyne, and perhaps 
afforded him a chance for escape, has never been exj^lained 
to the credit of the sagacity or courage of the British general. 

On the day that Esopus was burnt, Burgoyne I „ 

took an account of his provisions, and found no | 
more on hand than would sutfice for three days subsistence. 
Retreat was cut off, to fight was hopeless, no succor was 
approaching, every moment made his condition more des« 



Oct. ITtli. 



HISTORT OF THE 

perate. His men were compelled to lie on their arms, day 
and night, harassed with the continued apprehensions of 
assault. Every part of his camp was exposed to uninter- 
rupted cannonading, and even rifle and grapeshot reached 
the lines. A council of war was accordingly summoned, 
and feo closely were they beset that bullets whistled by the 
tent in which the council was held. It was determined to 
open a treaty with the American general ; and after several 
days of negotiation and conference, a convention was agreed 
upon on the fifteenth, and on the seventeenth was 
regularly signed, by which the whole British army 
surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Intelligence of 
the approach of Clinton was received by Burgoyne during 
the negotiations, but they had advanced so far, that had he 
been inclined to expect succor confidently, he could not^ 
have receded honourably. It is also related in Wilkinson's 
Memoirs, that before the convention was absolutely signed, 
part of the American force left the camp and returned home, 
and the rest,, believing the treaty concluded, gave them- 
selves up to carelessness and indolence, so as to give serious 
apprehensions of the event, had Burgoyne refused to pro- 
ceed, and tried the issue of an attack. In fact, he addressed 
a note to General Gates suspending the treaty, on the ground 
of information he had received, that the superiority of num- 
bers on the part of the Americans, which was the basis of 
the treaty, no longer existed, and requiring satisfaction on 
tliis head. The decision of the American general in refus- 
ing the request peremptorily, and demanding an immediate 
conclusion of the treaty, or an immediate renewal of hos- 
tilities, prevented the evil consequences. One hour was 
given to determine the cessation of arms, or conclude the 
capitulation ; within which time the articles were fully rati- 
fied. The British council of war alleged that they consented 
principally because they thought themselves bound in good 
faith not to retract at that point. 

The principal articles of the treaty, which by stipulation 
between the commanding officers was entitled a Convention, 
instead of a Cajrituhiion, were : that the army should march 
out of their camp with all the honors of war, and leave their 
artillery and arms in a designated spot; that they should be 
allowed embarkation and passage to Europe, from Boston, 
on engaging not to serve in America during the war- that 
they should be kept together, especially the officers, with 



AMERICAN REVOLTJTibN. 9Stf 

the men; roll calling, and other military duties, to be al- 
lowed them. The officers were to be admitted to parole, 
and to retain their side arms. All private property and bag- 
ga^ was to be passed without molestation or inspection, and 
public property given up on honour. Every description of 
persons attached to the camp was included in the capitula- 
tion ; the Canadians to be returned to their own country, 
liable to the same conditions. 

These terms were honorable to the moderation and 
magnanimity of the American general, especially as at the 
time he was in possession of tidings of the atrocious con- 
duct of the British on the Hudson. His delicacy was also 
strongly marked on the occasion of the delivery of the arms 
of the captives on the day of the surrender. A small party 
was appointed to receive them, and the rest of the Ameri- 
can army retired within the lines. Every possible attention 
was paid to the sick and wounded, and to the comfort and 
support of the whole army. The whole conduct of the 
Americans was marked with a tenderness and generosity 
which called forth the unqualified acknowledgments of the 
enemy. Burgoyne in person was treated with a courtesy 
which touched his feelings deeply at the time. At Al- 
bany he was lodged as an honored guest, with the family 
of General Schuyler, whose mansion and estate at Saratoga 
had been destroyed by Burgoyne's order. In Boston he was 
entertained with the same hospitality in the house of General 
Heath. 

On the day of the surrender, the American army amount- 
ed to about "fifteen thousand men, of whom ten thousand 
were regulars/ that of Burgoyne, to 5791, of whom 2412 
were Germans, and 3379 English. Among the spoils were 
the train of brass artillery, containing forty-two pieces ; four 
thousand six hundred muskets, and an immense quantity of 
warlike stores. 

Immediately after the surrender of Burgoyne, Gates march- 
ed down the Hudson to stop the devastations of Clinton and 
Vaughan. They immediately ^v^thd^ew to New York ; and, 
at the same time, Ticonderoga, and all the forts on the 
American frontier, were abandoned by the British and oc- 
cupied by the Patriots. In a short time, the whole Northern 
department was freed from the enemy, and reinforcementg 
■were despatched to Washington. 

The tidings of the capture^ of 'Burgoyne's army circulated 



HISTORY OP THE 

rapidly, and was received with unbounded exultation. As 
a presage of future victories, it was invaluable to the mili- 
tary spirit of the people, and was hailed with transports of 
joy as a certain pledge of the speedy establishment of Inde- 
pendence. It was also justly esteemed as giving such an 
assurance of success as would not fail to secure foreign al- 
liances and European acknowledgments of the United 
States as an independent power. 

The thanks of Congress were voted to General Gates and 
his army, and gold medals ordered to be struck to comme- 
morate the glorious event. 

The manner in which the Conveniion of Saratoga was 
subsequently observed is a disputed point in history, in 
which charges of bad faith are mutually made by each na- 
tion against the other. A brief notice of the leading facts 
will show that there were faults on both sides, and that if an 
unusual distrust of the intentions of the British was display- 
ed by Congress, the true cause, if not altogether satisfactory 
at least defensible, is to be found in the earlier breaches of 
humanity, and violations of military usage, practised on 
American prisoners by Gage in Massachusetts, and Howe 
in New York and New Jersey. It is certain that the patriots 
who first fell into the hands of the British were held to be 
rebels, and denied the ordinary privileges of lawful prison- 
ers of war. When this rigid system was relaxed so as to ac- 
knowledge their title to such treatment, they fared little better. 
They were refused almost every courtesy ; kept in harsh, 
and sometimes barbarous, confinement ; and in numerous in- 
stances made the victims of atrocious personal ill usage and 
persecution. The subject of an exchange of prisoners was, 
as mentioned before, one of dispute and recrimination 
between the commanding generals, and of resentment to 
Congress, from the delays, denials, and equivocations of 
General Howe. In the midst of these rankling causes for 
suspicion and anger, the Convention of Saratoga threw a 
preponderating number of British prisoners into the power 
of Congress. It is not possible that they should not have 
desired to keep that vast number rigidly to the terms of 
capitulation, and employ the victory so as to enforce the 
claims of their own captive countrymen, and looked with 
extreme sensitiveness upon any indication of willingness 
on the part of any portion of them to violate the terms. It 
is moreover rational, if not magnanimous, that they should 



AMERICAN REVOLUttON. 229' 

suspect a repetition of what they had experienced before, 
and perhaps too natural, that they should improve the 
pretexts which the conduct of an}'^ portion of the prisoners: 
gave them, to sustain them in taking strong precautionary 
measures. 

On the arrival of the captured army at Boston, the sol- 
diers were lodged in barracks, provided by the authorities ; 
but from the unpopularity of the officers, it was difficult to 
obtain suitable quarters for them. They complained to Bur- 
goyne, who remonstrated with General Gates, complaining 
that it was a breach of the treaty stipulations. This was fol- 
lowed by a request to change the place of embarkation from 
Boston to New York or Ehode Island, both being then in 
the possession of the British. In the course of the corres- 
pondence, Burgoyne used the expression that " the public 
faith pledged at Saratoga had been broken by the United 
States." Congress, who had previously sought, too eagerly, 
to find specific breaches of the Convention on the part of 
the prisoners, from all which the testimony of Gates acquit- 
ted them, saw in this declaration, and the proposal, plausi- 
ble ground, perhaps a sufficient one, for arresting all further 
compliance with the Convention, until formally ratified by 
the British government. They argued, that any subsequent 
breach by the English, in re-enlisting in America, contrary 
to their agreement, could be justified on the plea of notice, 
or by the repetition of the same allegations, and they thought 
they found evidence that such a design was meditated in 
the proposed change of the place of embarkation. Burgoyne 
remonstrated in vain against this determination, retracted 
and explained his words, and offered every possible pledge 
to abide by the Convention, but Congress was inexorable. 
The troops were detained, and he finally sailed to England 
without them, on his individu' ^role. The imprudence 
of Burgoyne alone gave Coii plausible defence for 

this act, but it is certain that n., .<ch use could have been 
made of it, had not the conduct of the British generals in 
America given too much reason for the distrust and resent- 
ment manifested on the occasion. 

The army of Washington had not received reinforce- 
ments from the North till the latter part of October. The 
works on the Delaware, guarding the passage, occupied the 
attention of both armies. Admiral Howe having succeeded 
in removing the obstructions at Billing's Port, after the 

U 



230 HISTORY OP THE 

evacuation of the fort by the Americans, a joint attack by 
sea and land was planned against Forts Mercer and Mifflin. 
Fort Mifflin was commanded by Colonel Samuel Smith of 
Maryland, and Fort Mercer by Cdonel Greene. The Augusta, 
a sixty-four gun ship, and the Merlin, a frigate, with several 
smaller vessels, moved up to assault Fort Mifflin, 
^^' ^' I on Mud Island, while Colonel Donop, with l->00 
Germans, crossed into New Jersey, to attack Fort Mercer. 
The land assault was impetuous. Colonel Greene's force 
was about 500, not enough to man the outworks fully. They 
were in consequence slightly defended, and the entire 
streno'th of the garrison was reserved for the defence of the 
inner entrenchments. Colonel Donop, meeting with little 
opposition, poured in his Germans with great confidence and 
bravery, but was met with such a deadly, uninterrupted 
fire, that he fell, mortally wounded ; his second in command 
shared the same fate, and the third was compelled, notwith- 
standing the bravery of his men, to draw them off and re- 
treat, with prodigious loss. Four hundred of them Avere 
killed or wounded, while the garrison lost about thirty only. 

Fort Mifflin in the mean time sustained an incessant 
bombardment from the shipping. The gallant garrison main- 
tained their post under a shower of bombs and cannon balls, 
until the ebb of the tide left the Augusta and the MerHn 
aground, where they were burnt. 

These brilliant actions only saved the forts for a while. 
The fort on Mud Island became the immediate point of the 
future operations of the enemy, and its defence is one of 
the most distinguished feats of determined courage exhibited 
during the war. From the latter part of September, up to 
the date of the general attack, the numbers under the com- 
mand of Colonel Smith had not amounted to three hundred. 
Reinforced then, he had about four hundred, with whom he 
defended the fort against daily assaults by land and water, 
until the 11th of November. By that time the enemy had 
succeeded in getting possession of such positions on the 
heights of Province Island above, as made the fort entirely 
untenable. Colonel Smith was wounded in a bombai-dment 
of his post from that quarter, and forced to withdraw, and 
on the 15th, the garrison retired to Fort Mercer, on Red 
Bank, and the English occupied the deserted post. A strong 
division was sent, under the command of Cornwallis, against 
Red Bank, on the approach of which the garrison evar- 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. S31 

ttatfed it, and Cornwallis took possession and demolished its 
defences. 

The capture of the forts left the American vessels de- 
fenceless, and the crews accordingly abandoned and burnt 
them. The impediments to navigation sunk in the river 
were next removed in part, by the British, and with diffi- 
culty, and the passage was opened for transports and provisions 
from the fleet, to reach the army in Philadelphia. 

The troops of Washington, reinforced by divisions from 
the victorious army of the North, now amounted to about 
twelve thousand regulars, and three thousand militia. With 
these he was encamped at White Marsh, whence numerous 
attempts were made by Howe to draw him out, for the pur- 
pose of giving battle, but in vain. He conld not be in- 
duced to risk his army in a general battle, except on his 
own position, and Howe, foiled in his manoeuvres, returned 
to Philadelphia to winter-quarters. 

Washington, as soon as he became satisfied that the Brit- 
ish had desisted from offensive operations, also went into 
winter-quarters at Valley Forge, about sixteen miles from the 
city. 

Thus terminated the second campaign of Great Britain 
against her revolted colonies. Two powerful armies, com- 
manded by experienced generals, and abundantly provided 
with every thing, had succeeded in nothing but capturing 
the cities of Philadelphia and New York, and ravaging the 
property of many private individuals throughout the coun- 
try. One army had been lost totally, and the other, though 
master of the capital of the country, was in effect straitened 
within very narrow limits, and exercised no power over the 
people. The country was not only unsubdued, but unterri- 
fied, and more sanguine of their ability to maintain their In- 
dependence, and warmed with sterner and more unanimous 
determinations to yield nothing to the invader. Besides 
their own higher hopes and confidence in themselves, 
supported by the issue of the two years' battles, they 
had a near prospect of foreign assistance to sustain their 
claims. 

The sufferings of the memorable winter at Valley Forge, 
sufferings which tried the constancy and exhibited in a no- 
ble light the heroic patience and patriotism of the soldiery 
of the Revolution, form the next subject in the order '**' 
time in the military history of the war. 



232 HISTORY OF THE 

Before following up that narrative, it is necessary to re- 
cur to some of the political matters that had engaged the 
attention of Congress, and to the contemporaneous move- 
ments in Europe, connected with American affairs. 



CHAPTER XI. 



A FRUITFUL source of embarrassment to American affairs 
in every department, military and civil, was the want of a 
stable government. Not only were the armies of 1776 and 
1777 raised, clothed, and directed ; the political and foreign 
relations of the country managed, and vast sums of money 
raised and expended and prodigious debts incurred, without 
any regular form of government or binding authority from 
the separate States, but without any definite system among 
their acting representatives in Congress. The delegates from 
the several States, by virtue of the general powers and in- 
structions of each, exercised at discretion all the functions of 
legitimate government. The only sanction to this exercise 
was the implied assent of their separate constituencies, each 
of which was a distinct sovereignty. The States had not de- 
fined the }X)wors which they designed to delegate, nor had 
Congress established a system of powers for themselves. All 
action grew out of the necessities of each occasion, and the 
acquiescence of the people was presumed to what was con- 
sidered necessary. The evil of such unliinited discretion 
was enormous. It weakened all confidence in public en- 
gagements, while it gave constant occasion for jealousies 
and suspicion among the people of the States, no less than 
among their representatives. These evils were foreseen at 
a very early day by the leading patriots, and plans were 
suggested for removing them by the adoption of a joint sj's- 
tem of government. Union was urged as indispensable to 
strengthen and sustain Independence, and secure unanimity 
in the support of that measure. Dr. Franklin proposed a 
plan of Confederation in the summer of 1775, but Congress 
were not then ready for so decided a movement of resist- 
ance. In the succeeding year, when the ties of connexion 
■with Great Britain were ^bout to be broken, the project of 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 233 

R union of the States was revived contemporaneously with 
the determination to assert the independence of the States. 
But one day intervened between the adoption of the resolu- 
tion on Independence in Committee, and the selection of a 
special committee to prepare a form of Confederation. Their 
names have already been quoted. Their report was made 
on the 12th of July. Delays and difficulties occurred, as 
well from differences of opinion and dissensions among the 
States, as from the pressure of immediate danger from the 
common enemy. The plan was resumed in April 1777, and, 
after long discussion and repeated postponements, was finallj 
adopted by Congress, on the 15th of November, in that j-ear. 

John Hancock having resigned a few weeks before, 
Henr}' Laurens of South Carolina, was then President of 
Congress. 

The " Arllcles of Confederation" established a union be- 
tween the thirteen States, under the style of the " United 
Slates of America." It was resolved to be a " firm league 
of friendship" among them, " for their defence, the security 
of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, bind- 
ing themselves to assist each other against all force offered 
to, or attacks made upon, them, or any of them, on account 
of religion, sovereigniij, trade, or any other pretence what- 
ever." Each State was to retain its sovereignty, f.eedom, 
and independence, and ever}- power, jurisdiction, and right 
not expressly delegated to the United States. Delegates 
were to be appointed by each State, not less than two or 
more than seven in number; each State to maintain its del- 
egates ; and to recall them at pleasure. In the determining of 
questions, the vote to be taken by States. No State was to 
enter into any treaty, agreement, or alliance, with a foreign 
nation, nor with an}' other State, or States, without the con- 
sent of Congress. 

The States were prohibited from laying imposts or duties, 
to interfere with any treaty stipulations of the United States, 
in pursuance of propositions made to the courts of France 
and Spain. No vessels of war were to be kept up by them 
in time of peace, except such as Congress might deem ne- 
cessary for the defence of the State, or its trade ; nor keep 
up forces, except to garrison their forts : nor engage in war, 
except in case of actual invasion, or such imminent danger 
as not to admit of delay till the assembling of Congress. 
Every State was required to keep up a well-regulated aa^ 



^24. HISTORY OF THE 

disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, with a 
proper quantity of military stores, ammunition, artillery, 
&-C. All the officers of land forces raised i)y the States, un- 
der the rank of colonel, were to be filled by the States. 

All the charges of war, and other expenses incurred 
for the common defence and general welfare, were to be 
defrayed out of a common treasury, supplied by the State.^ 
in proportion to the value of all land within each State, grant- 
ed to or surveyed for any person, as such land, and the 
buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated, ac- 
cording to such mode as the United States might direct; 
the proportion of the taxes of each State to be levied by the 
duration and authority of the State legislatures, within the 
time agreed upon by Congress. 

The specially delegated and exclusive powers of Con- 
gress were : to determine on peace and war, except in case 
of invasion, or imminent danger of invasion; to send and 
receive ambassadors ; make treaties and alliances, — with the 
exception that no commercial treaty should be made restrain- 
ing the States from imposing such duties on foreigners as 
their own people are subject to, or from prohibiting exporta- 
tion or importation. Congress were to decide on captures by 
sea and land ; prescribe the rules for distributing prizes ; 
grant Iqtters of marque and reprisal ; and establish courts for 
the adjudication of prizes, and the trial of crimes and felo- 
nies committed on the high seas. Congress was made the 
final judge between the States, in all cases of disputed 
boundaries, "or any other cause whatever;" and the mode 
of decision was minutely prescribed, with the proviso, that 
jio State should be deprived of territory for the benefit of the 
United States. 

Congress were to have the sole right to regulate the alloy 
and value of the coin struck by their own authority, or that 
of the States ; to fix a general standard of weights and mea- 
sures ; regulate trade and manage affairs with the In- 
dians, not members of the States, "provided the legislative 
right of any State, within its own limits, be not infringed or 
violated ;" establish and regulate post-offices ; and appoint all 
officers of the land forces, except regimental officers, and all 
naval officers. 

Congress were further authorized to appoint a committee 
to sit in the recess, to be denominated " ^ Committee of the 
States," coasi&ting of one delegate from each State ; to ap* 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 235 

point other committees and necessarj^ civil officers for man- 
aging the general affiiirs of the United States, under their 
direction ; to appoint a President of Congress, provided no 
person was allowed to serve more than one year in any- 
time of three years ; to ascertain the sums of money neces- 
sary to be raised for the service of the United States, and 
appropriate the same ; to borrow money and emit bills on 
the credit of the United States, rendering an account half 
yearly to every State ; to build and equip a navy ; agree on 
the number of land forces, and make requisitions for them 
upon the State legislatures, the United States to bear the 
expense of raising, equipping, arming, and clothing them. 

The United States were expressly restrained from en- 
gaging in Avar ; granting letters of marque and reprisal in 
time of peace ; entering into treaties and alliances, coining 
money or regulating its value, ascertaining or fixing the 
sums necessary for the use of the United States, emit- 
ting bills, borrowing money or appropriating it, agreeing on 
the number of land or sea forces, or appointing a com- 
mander-in-chief, unless nine States should assent to the 
same. All other questions, except that of adjournment from 
day to day, required the votes of a majority of States. 

The " Committee of ike States," or any nine of them, 
might, in the recess of Congress, execute such powers as 
Congress, with the consent of nine States, should invest 
them with ; provided no power be delegated which, in Con- 
gress, required the assent of nine States. 

It was further provided, that all bills of credit emitted, 
monev^s borrowed, and debts contracted under the authority 
of Congress, before the assembling of the United States, in 
pursuance of the new Confederation, should be deemed and 
considered as a charge against the United States, for which 
the public faith was hereby solemnly pledged. 

Every State stipulated to abide by the determination of 
the United States, in Congress assembled, on all questions 
which by the Confederation are submitted to them ; the arti- 
cles of the Confederation to be inviolably observed by every 
state, and the union to be perpetual ; no alteration at any 
time thereafter to be made in any of them, unless such al- 
teration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and 
afterwards confirmed by the legislature of every State. 

Canada, according to the Confederation, and joining in 
the measures of the United States, might be permitted into 



236 HISTORY OP THE 

the Union, but no other colony to be admitted into the same 
unless such admission be agreed to by nine States. 

This plan being finally agreed to in Congress, was trans- 
mitted to the State legislatures, with a circular letter, en- 
treating their early consideration of it, as a " Confederacy 
for securing the freedom, sovereignty, and independence of 
the United States." " It will," says the letter, "confound 
our foreign enemies, defeat the flagitious practices of the 
disaffected, strengthen and confirm our friends, support our 
public credit, restore the value of our money, enable us to 
maintain our fleets and armies, and add weight and respect 
to our councils at home, and to our treaties abroad. In short, 
this salutary measure can no longer be deferred. It seems 
essential to our very existence as a free people ; and with- 
out it we may soon be constrained to bid adieu to indepen- 
dence, to liberty, and safety ; blessings which, from the jus- 
tice of our cause and the favor of our Almight\' Creator 
visibly manifested in our protection, we have reason to ex- 
pect, if, in humble dependence on his divine Providence, 
we strenuously exert the means which are placed in our 
power." 

It will be perceived that these " articles" contain little 
more than a form of agreement or league between States 
entirely distinct and independent, and that there was pro- 
vided in them no means for enforcing the decision of Con- 
gress, or carrying its resolutions into effect, other than by the 
free action of each State in its separate capacity, acting 
through its legislature, representing its citizens. The Con- 
federation vested no power in the new government to act 
upon the people of the States, except through requisitions 
upon State authorities. Adopted by Congress in November, 
" the articles" Avere not considered as binding conclusively 
until they had been approved of, and ratified by, the legis- 
latures of all the states ; which was not accomplished in fact 
until the year 1781, The delays and controversies which 
postponed the ratification so long, did not however prevent 
the Slates from acting, so far as the conduct of the war was 
concerned, under an admission that the stipulations were to 
be fulfilled in good faith. Their most important bearing upon 
the history of this era of the revolution, is in the rule of 
action and specifications of powers which they established 
for Congress. If the States did not immediately and for- 
mally sanction all the features of the plan, it, nevertheless, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 237 

was obligatory upon the body who adopted it, and derived 
their authority from it, and became to them a written Con- 
stitution, prescribing and limiting their functions. 

Though not strictly in the order of time, it may be added 
here, that these articles of confederation were ratified by 
all the States, except New Jersey, Delaware, and Mary- 
land, before June, 1778. New Jersey ratified in November 
of that year, after a vain effort to procure some important 
modifications ; Delaware did not assent until the ii-2d of 
February, 1779. Maryland, who had, with Delaware, in 
sisted on an amendment, securing the Western lands for 
the benefit of all the States, adhered to her resolution much 
longer, and carried on an intermediate controversy with Vir- 
ginia on the subject. She, however, never delayed in her 
exertions in^ support of the war, and finally acceded to the 
Confederation in March, 1781. She protested that her con- 
sent was given because " the common enemy" was encour- 
aged by her refusal, and because her "friend and 'illus- 
trious ally' (France) believed her accession would greatly 
benefit the common cause." She declared at the same time, 
that " by ratifying the articles of Confederation, she did not 
relinquish, or intend to relinquish, her interest with the 
other confederated States to the Western territory." 

The necessity of adopting some system of action in Congress 
had been forced upon them in the summer of 1777, by the 
confusion which prevailed throughout the public service. The 
want of system had not only endangered the organization of 
the army, upon which the defence of the country relied, but 
had contributed essentially to impose upon Congress the adop- 
tion of that unwise financial policy, and those harsh expe- 
dients which affected the currency so fatally. The depart- 
ments of the Commissary General and the Quarter-Master 
General were not well organized, and what they could have 
effected in the procuring of supplies was obstructed by the 
pernicious interference of Congress in the regulation of 
prices. The depreciation of the bills of credit, which had 
been profusely emitted during the first years of the war, was 
alarming, and the remedies proposed were false in principle 
and most unjust in effect. The three millions that had been 
.ssued in 1775 had been increased, by successive emissions, 
until the amount reached to near a hundred millions, for 
which the faith of the States was pledged ; but no means 
were provided for its redemption, or to give a prospect oi 



WIB HISTORY OF THE 

eventual security to the holders. Without commerce, with 
state governments but imperfectly organized, and no common 
government for the whole, it would have been imprudent to 
call for taxes, even had there been a superintending authority 
to prescribe and collect them ; foreign trade was totally ex- 
tinct, and Congress had no other resource but unlimited 
•promises, contingent not only upon the successful issue of 
the war, but the subsequent formation of an efficient govern- 
ment, and the untried ability of the country in times of 
peace and independence. Depreciation of this paper was 
the unavoidable consequence. It was seriously felt in the 
beginning of 1777. To counteract it. Congress, in Januarj^ 
provided a law, making the bills a tender in payment in all 
public and private business, and declaring the refusal to receive 
it as such, to be the extinguishment of the debt. Whoever 
refused to receive it at par, in exchange for any articles of 
property whatever, was denounced as an enemy to his 
country. These wild and dangerous measures only served 
to accelerate the mischief by enhancing prices enormous- 
ly, and Congress accordingly, proceeding in the same coer- 
cive measures, and attributing to hostile feelings, or the de- 
sire to speculate on the public distress, what was the real 
effect of their own ineasures, and the impoverished state of 
the country, resorted to still stronger and indefensible expe- 
dients. They procured the establishment in the States of 
laws regulating the price of labor, and of all exchangeable 
commodities. If any persons refused to sell, the purchasing 
commissaries were authorized to seize upon all surplus beyond 
a given quantity, at the prices so fixed. This arbitrary sys- 
tem drove every thing out of the public market. Citizens 
secreted their effects and intermitted their industry, and 
the public embarrassments increased instead of diminishing. 
An exhausted country was goaded by such palpable wrong, 
and by the unerring instincts of self-preservation, to ob- 
struct the furnishing of what was absolutely required by 
the public necessities. In November, 1778, about the time 
of the adoption of the articles of Confederation, an effort was 
inade to alter the system of finance, by raising the necessary 
sums from the States in the form of taxes. Five millions 
WCFO apportioned among them, to be raised within the year; 
the amount to be funded until the final settlement, at an in--, 
terest of six per cent. But the expedient succeeded badly. 
Little attention was paid to the regulation, and the old siys.i 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 239 

tem continued to produce public distress and embarrass- 
ment, and private suffering and injury, until the end of the 
war. 

These depreciations of the currency aggravated the defi- 
cient arrangement and mal-administration of the army de- 
partments charged with supplying the soldiers with arms and 
provisions. The want of subordination a-nd accountability 
was the chief evil, and produced perpetual confusion. The 
remonstrances of Washington were frequent and urgent, 
against the existing modes of transacting business, until 
Congress, towards the close of the year, deputed a commit- 
tee to examine into the subject, at head-quarters. The re- 
sult of the interview was the reorganization, early in the 
next year, of the departments of Commissary General and 
Quarter-Master General. General Greene was made Quarter- 
Master General, and Colonel Wadsworth Commissary Gen- 
eral. The deputies who had before been appointed by Con- 
gress, and made accountable only to them, were put under 
the control of the heads of department. This reform was 
followed by rapid improvements in the management of those 
branches of the public service ; but unhappily the effect was 
not felt until after the army had suffered the extreme priva- 
tions of that terrible winter at Valley Forge. 

At the same time the just complaints of the officers of the 
army, which had been repeatedly pressed upon Congress, 
received some attention. Oppressed with want, overwhelm- 
ed with debt, and unable from the degraded currency and 
their scanty pay, to preserve a decent exterior, or provide 
the common comforts of existence, they had, time after time, 
called for a more liberal and permanent provision. Many of 
them had resigned, and more threatened to do so, unless 
their grievances were redressed. A tardy and ungracious 
grant of half-pay for life was voted to them, which, by sub- 
sequent resolutions, was restricted to seven years from the 
end of the war. It served for a while to lessen the com- 
plaints of the officers, though it was far from affording them 
substantial relief or permanent satisfaction. On the last day 
of the year. Congress voted a gratuity of one month's exira' 
pay to the officers and soldiej-s in the army of Washington, ' 
as a reward for the patience, fidelity, and zeal with whicli*^, 
they had borne up under the dangers and fatigues of the', 
campaign. ■ 

But a greater calamity than depreciated credit, discoa*- 



HISTORY OF THfi 

tented officers, a disordered and exhausted army, and all 
impoverished people, threatened the American cause, at the 
close of the year 1777. Machinations were on foot among 
powerful and popular leaders in Congress and in the army, 
for displacing Washington from the command and elevating 
General Gates to that station. The brilliant result of the 
Northern campaign, and the glorious victory of Saratoga, 
were contrasted with the reverses in New York, New Jer- 
sey, and Pennsylvania, since the commencement of the 
war, to the disparagement of the mihtary reputation of 
Washington. Anonymous and vague charges were soon 
followed by loud murmurs and open accusations among the 
partizans of the discontented ; letters were freely circulated 
impeaching the integrity and ability of Washington ; and 
pieces published in the newspapers, expressing dissatisfac- 
tion at his mode of conductmg the war, and calling for his 
removal and the substitution of Gates. Some of the State 
legislatures joined in the movement. That of Pennsylvania 
addressed a remonstrance to Congress against his conduct 
of the campaign, when he retired into winter-quarters. 
Generals Mifflin and Conway, and probably Gates himself, 
were parties to these intrigues. Before their aim was fully 
discovered, they had succeeded in establishing a board of 
war, of which Gates and Mifflin were members, which un- 
dertook to act in opposition to the commander-in-chief. 
Conway obtained the appointment of Inspector-general of the 
army ; and the opponents of Washington for a while seemed 
to have assumed the lead in public affairs, and superseded 
him in the confidence of his country. Under their direction, 
and contrary to his remonstrances, they projected a new ex- 
pedition into Canada, of which they assigned the lead to 
the Marquis La Fayette. On his arrival at Albany, where 
he was directed to take command, he found nothing pre- 
pared for the expedition. On his complaint to Congress, 
he was recalled and the scheme abandoned. The develop- 
ment of these plans showed how widely the conspirators had 
mistaken public sentiment, if they had hoped to be sustained 
in their projected removal of Washington. The indignation 
became so great, even among the troops under the imme- 
diate command of Gates, that it was with difficulty appeased. 
The principal intriguers were forced to withdraw from pub- 
lic view, to save themselves from the resentment of the sol- 
diers. Conway resigned his commission, aad jiuhse(|uentl> 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 241 

fought a duel with General Cadwalader, in which he was 
wounded, as he believed, mortally ; he wrote a penitential let- 
ter to Washington, expressing his grief for the injury he had 
attempted to do. " You are," said he, " in my eyes, the 
great and good man — may you long enjoy the love, venera- 
tion, and esteem of these States, whose liberties you have 
asserted by your virtues." The resignation of Conway en- 
abled Washington to fill that office with his friend. Baron 
Steuben, a Prussian officer of great capacity, who had serv- 
ed in the army of the Great Frederick. 

During the progress of these intrigues, Washington was fully 
advised of all that was designed and attempted against him. 
His private letters and public communications, spoke the 
same magnanimous and moderate spirit, which confer more 
true lustre on his character than his splendid military genius. 
Even when Congress seemed almost ready to abandon him to 
the fury of his detractors, he never for a moment forgot the 
calm dignity of conscious rectitude, never was betrayed into 
a word or an act of petulance or irritability, and never relaxed 
the devotion of his entire faculties to the service of his country. 
Although deeply wounded in his feelings, he stifled his re- 
sentments, and forbore to use the means of exculpation in his 
own hands, lest the disclosure might injure the common cause. 
As the crisis showed him maintaininghis serenity in the midst 
of trials, so his triumph in the discomfiture of his enemies was 
signalized by delicate forbearance and generous forgiveness 
of injuries. The vindication of his own character and the 
recognition in so unequivocal a manner of his claims to the 
admiration and affection of his country, touching as they 
must have been to his feelings, were secondary in his esti- 
mation to the great benefits of restored confidence and re- 
united counsels to the liberties of America. 

Never were united counsels, mutual forbearance, and un- 
tiring energy more required than for the management of 
American affairs during that winter. None of the reforms in 
the army, dictated by necessity, began to relieve the embar- 
rassments of the Commander-in-chief, or diminish mate- 
rially the sufferings of the army, until some months of 
their encampment at Valley Forge had passed. A faithful 
picture of all they endured there by hunger and I 
cold, in want of the most common necessaries of | 
clothing, of forage, food, and tents, would display a scene not 
more striking for its unparalleled hardships, than for the con- 

X 



HISTORY OF THE 

siancy and heroism with which they were sustained. Witfc- 
»ut shoes, their march to Valley Forge might have been 
tracked by their bloody steps on the frozen ground. Desti- 
tute of tents, they felled trees and built themselves huts, to 
protect them from the inclemency of the weather. At times 
they were without food for days, and with no certain pros- 
pect of supply ; depending for escape from the horrors of 
famine upon the chance returns of parlies sent out to levy 
contributions by force upon the neighboring country. The 
scarcity of fuel, and even straw for beds, was so great, that 
hundreds slept on the bare earth, half clad, and without 
blankets, protecting themselves from freezing only by hud- 
dling together, to preserve the animal warmth of their 
bodies. Fevers and other diseases, the natural product of 
want, fatigue, and the filth generated by crowded and humid 
huts, were added to the other afflictions, and deepened them 
into horror. The hospitals were filled with patients that had 
sickened from want to die of neglect. The medical depart- 
ment was even more deficient than the other branches of 
the service; for the want of ])roper medicines, diet, and 
food, was aggravated by the coarse cupidity and brutal neg- 
lect of the medical attendants. The hospitals became terrors 
to the well, and the invalids preferred dying in the open air 
to perishing in an atmosphere of pestilence among the 
expiringand the uuburied dead. Frightful indeed to the con- 
templation is the record of the suflerings at Valley Forge, and 
above all things glorious to the army and the cause in which 
they suffered, tlie memory of their patience, their patri- 
otic resignation, their heroic firmness in endurance. Tlie 
hundreds upon liundreds that perished unropiningly in keep- 
ing the faith they had pledged to their country, victims to 
the false policy of the government, the n>ismanagcmcnt of 
their officers, and the necessities of an almost exhausted na- 
tion, are entitled even to a deeper sentiment of veneration 
and gratitude than their more fortunate fellows who died in 
the field of battle. Nothing of temporary excitement sus- 
tained them ; no evanescent enthusiasm buoyed tliem up 
with sudden ardour ; they struggled and died in silence, un- 
complaining and unknown to fame, invigorated solely by 
their love of liberty and the consciousness of performing a 
sacred duty. 

Of the seventeen thousand men who went into camp on 
Uie 19th of December, the number of effective men in 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 243 

February was only about five thousand. Nearly four thou- 
sand (3989) were unfit for duty from nakedness. 

General Washington, with the most indefatigable perse- 
verance, labored to remedy these grievances and supply the 
most pressing wants. He exercised the powers given him 
by Congress in seizing forcibly upon the provisions within 
reach of the camp, on such terms as the law prescribed, to 
preserve the army from dissolution ; and when that resource 
was exhausted, he made earnest and finally successful appeals 
to the New England States. Towards spring supplies were 
furnished witft more regularity and in greater quantities, 
and as the season advanced, the condition of the army be- 
gan to improve- The public affaiirs of the States began at 
tliis period to realize some of the benefets of the victory over 
Bargoyne, in determining the European rivals of Great 
Britain to take open part with the Americans in sustaining 
their independence. The secret aid given by the court of 
France, and the service of numerous distinguished French- 
men in the American army, have already been related. The 
capture of Burgoyne, and the advance towards a stable 
form of government in the adoption of the articles of Con- 
federation, satisfied the French king of the determination of 
the Americans, as well as their capacity, to resist the power 
of Great Britain, and of the expediency of affording them 
countenance and succor. 

During the year the conduct of France had afforded suf- 
ficient indications to the world of her desire to engage in 
the war on a favorable opportunity. As the fortunes of the 
Americans varied, her connivance at practices favorable to 
them, and hostile to British commerce, was more or less 
open, but always unequivocally inclining to the new States 
When pressed by the British ministry tor explanations, she 
evaded the demand, or complied in form, without exacting 
obedience to the orders which, in order to save the appearance 
of neutrality, she was obhged to issue. In compliance with the 
remonstrance of Lord Stormoni, an order was obtained for all 
American privateers and their prizes to quit the ports of the 
kingdom ; but expedients for delay were allowed with such 
success, that not one of them obeyed the order. Instructions 
were privately given to the revenue-officers to afford coun- 
tenance and protection to French subjects trading with 
America. These, and other more substantial acts of favor, 
in gifts, loans of money and arms, were notorious to the 



WKk HISTORY OF THE 

British government during the year, but they were not in a 
situation to show resentment by a declaration of war, and they 
held out to the public the opinion that no danger of French 
tiostility was to be apprehended. 

The American Commissioners at the French court did not 
cease to press, with the strongest arguments and importu- 
nities, for a formal treaty of alliance, and an open recog- 
nition of the Independence of the United States. After 
alternatel^y advancing and receding with the fluctuations of 
the fortune of war, the events of the autumn determined the 
French to accede to the requests of the Commissioners, and 
accordingly on the 19th of December, M. Gerard signified 
to them, on behalf of the king, that " France would not 
only acknowledge, but support with all her power, the Inde- 
pendence of the United States, and would conclude with 
them a treaty of amity and commerce." He added, that no 
advantage would be taken of the distressed situation of the 
United States, but such terms would be made as if they were 
established in sovereignty and power. The negotiations 
which followed ended on the sixth of February, 1778, in the 
formal conclusion of a treaty of amity between the United 
States of America and His Most Christian Majesty Louis 
XVI. ; acknowledging the Independence of the States, and 
regulating the commercial intercourse between them ; and 
shortly after, of a treaty of alliance, ofiensive and defensive, 
to take effect as soon as war should be declared by England 
against France. The war was made inevitable, not only by 
the recognition of American Independence, but by the es- 
tablishment in the new treati«^s of principles in respect to 
neutral rights and blockades, opposed to those uniformly 
maintained by the British government. In antici|)ation of 
hostilities, it was stipulated that the two powers should assist 
each other with their whole strength ; and would not lay 
down arms without mutual consent, nor conclude peace un- 
til the Independence of the United States was acknowledged 
Dy treaty. It was agreed, that if the provinces of Great 
Britain on the Continent, or the Bermuda Islands, should 
be conquered, they should belong to the Ifnited States, and 
all the West India Islands to France. France guaranteed to 
the United States their liberty, sovereignty, and indepen- 
dence ; and the United States guaranteed to France her pre- 
sent possessions in America, and such as might be obtained 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 245 

by conquest during the war. A secret article reserved to 
Spain the right of becoming party to these " Treaties." 

These treaties were signed by M. Gerard on the part of 
the French king, and Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and 
Arthur Lee, on the part of the United States. They were 
formally communicated to the British government by the 
French ambassador, the Marquis de Noailles, on the l-Sth 
of March, and arrived in the United States on the 2d of May. 

Before proceeding with the narrative of events in Amer- 
ica after this propitious turn in the affairs of the States, 
it will be necessary to review the opposite effects of the 
campaign of 1777 on Great Britain, and the consequent 
measures of that government. 

The first successes of Burgoyne had raised the spirits of 
the ministerial party to the highest pitch of exultation. The 
conquest of America was considered as certain, and the 
prophecies and denunciations with which the ministerial 
policy had been met by the opposition, were held up to ridi- 
cule. The news of the repulse at Bennington did not mate- 
rially affect their sanguine calculations, and when the Par- 
liament opened on the 20th of November, the king's speech 
was composed of confident annunciations of success, and 
promises of moderation towards " the deluded and un- 
happy multitude," who were about to be subdued by his 
armies into a renewal of their allegiance. Addresses were 
moved in reply to the speech, full of panegyric, and pro- 
fessing unbounded confidence in the royal and ministerial 
wisdom. The minority still struggled, but in vain, to stay 
the course of violent measures, and procure the cessation of 
hostilities, and an amicable settlement of the disputes while 
their armies were victorious, and concession would be mag- 
nanimous. The Marquis of Granby and Lord John Caven- 
dish in the House of Commons, and the Earl of Chatham in 
the House of Lords, spoke earnestly and ahly, but vainly, in 
favor of peace. The warlike policy of the ministers was sus- 
tained by triumphant votes in both houses. A vehement 
attack was made by Lord Chatham, in the course of the de- 
bate, on the conduct of the Northern campaign, in the em- 
ployment of the Indian allies. His denunciations of this 
liarbarous practice were clothed in language of the most 
sublime eloquence and indignation. It was but feebly an- 
swered ; the tyrant's plea of convenience, and the coward's 
plea of custom, being the only defences which the ministers 
X2 



846 HISTORY OP THE 

offered. The debate closed with an overwhelming majority 
against all change in the policy of government. The next 
day reversed the aspect of parties, and brought deep humi- 
liation and disappointment to those who were, a few hours 
before, insolent with triumph and flushed with victories. 
The dispatches from America brought intelligence of the 
disasters of the Northern campaign, and the defeat and sur- 
render of the army of Burgoyne. Lord North is reported to 
have shed tears of shame and mortification, and the minis- 
terial advocates shrunk before the invectives and sarcasms 
of the opposition. Lord Chatham, holding up a paper to the 
House, told them "he had the king's speech in his hand, 
and a deep sense of the public calamity in his heart." That 
speech, he said, " contained a most unfaithful picture of pub- 
lic affairs; it had a specious outside, was full of hopes, while 
every thing within was full o* danger." He went on to 
arraign the whole course of the administration, and moved 
for papers and orders relating to the campaign from Canada. 
His motions failed, but the ministry were not yet prepared 
to meet the adverse current with firmness, or by any settled 
system of policy. They limited themselves to devising mea- 
sures for repairing the finances of the country, and filling up 
the losses in the army. Notwithstanding the universal con- 
sternation Avith which tlje intelligence of the defeats in 
America were received, the national spirit of the English 
prompted them to make liberal exertions to support public 
credit. Large voluntary contributions of men and money 
were made to the government ; and after the recess of the 
holidays. Lord North came forward with a new and unex- 
pected proposition for conciliation. On the 17th 
of February he introduced it in a speech, the 
tenor of which surprised a large portion of his own sup- 
porters, while it manifested to the o|)position a total aban- 
donment of the principles upon which the war had been 
commenced. All the pretensions to parliamentary s\ipre- 
macy in taxation, the appointment of officers, and the inter- 
nal government of the Colonies, against which they had 
taken up arms, were waived, and greater actual indepen- 
dence offered them than the boldest among them had claim- 
ed in their Colonial condition. After confessing the disap- 
pointment of all his expectations in the various measures he 
had proposed for raising revenue in America, and executing 
the laws there, he offered his scheme of reconciliation. Had 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 247 

there been any lingering willingness among the Americans 
to return to a political connexion with Great Britain on any 
terms, those proposed by Lord North could not well have 
been rejected. The relation established by them between 
the countries would have been rather a federal union ol 
States, under a common executive, than the dependence ot 
Colonies on a parent State. 

The first act was entitled " An act for removing all doubts 
and apprehensions concerning taxation in any of the Colo- 
nies, provinces, and plantations in North America and the 
West Indies," and for repealing the tea act. The second act 
restored the charter of Massachusetts ; and the third, author- 
ized the king " to appoint Commissioners, with sufficient 
power to treat, consult, and agree upon the means of quiet- 
ing the disorders now subsisting in certain of the colonies, 
plantations, and provinces in North America." 

By the first act it was enacted, that "the king and par- 
liament of Great Britain would not impose any duty, tax, or 
assessment whatever, payable in any of his Majesty's colo- 
nies, provinces, and plantations in North America or the 
West Indies, except only such duties as it might be expe- 
dient to enforce for the regulation of commerce,'" the produce 
of such duties to be applied to the use of the colonies, as 
other duties levied by the Colonial legislatures. The act 
appointing Commissioners authorized them " to treat, con- 
sult, and agree with such body or bodies politic and corpo- 
rate, or with such assembly or assemblies of men, or any 
person or persons whatsoever," in the Colonies, in relation 
to all complaints or grievances, and concerning "any aid 
or contribution" to be furnished by the Colonies, or any of 
them, to the common defence. 

To carr}' these powers into effect, it was further enacted, 
that the king might authorize them to proclaim a cessation 
of hostilities for any time and on any terms ; to suspend at 
discretion all acts of Parliament passed since the 10th of 
February, 1763 ; to grant pardons, and appoint governors 
for such Colonies as might be reconciled. 

This act was to remain in force until June, 1779. Thus, 
after fifteen years of controversy, three years of open war. 
the expenditure oi fifteen millions sterling, and the loss of a 
great army, the ministry conceded at once all that had been 
in dispute. They humbled themselves still further by stipu 
lating that the renunciation of American Independence should 



5148 HISTORY OF THE 

be waived until the conclusion of a satisfactory arrange- 
inenl, to be ratified by Parliament; and that if the Colonies 
refused all contribution in any form to the public service, it 
should not be insisted on as a sine qua non. The haste of the 
ministers to see the effect of these measures was such, that 
the bills, before their final passage, were despatched to 
America, and placed in the hands of General Howe, for use 
among the Americans, before the arrival of the French 
treaties. 

The bills weic pressed forward through Parliament with 
eagerness, and, excepting the act relating to the Massachu- 
setts charter, supported by all parties. The opposition, with 
Fox and Burke at their head, were not sparing in sarcasms 
on the imbecilit}'^ and versatility of the minister, who had 
tried every expedient to carry his point; and failing in all, 
had changed his positions so entirely, and yet claimed the 
credit of firmness and consistency. Fox charged the pacific 
dispositions of Lord North to his knowledge tha^ France had 
already acknowledged the Independence of America by 
treaty ; a fact which he avowed to' be true, though not yet 
publicly known. The assertions of Fox were faintly con- 
troverted by the administration, and the two important bills 
w^re passed, and received the royal sanction in the begin- 
ning of March. The king appointed as Commissioners, the 
Earl of Carlisle, Mr. Eden, and Governor Johnston, with the 
commanders of the land and sea forces in America. These 
were Admiral Lord Howe, and Sir Henry Clinton, who, on 
the resignation and return of Sir William Howe, succeeded 
him in the command of the army, in the spring of 1778. 
Lord Carlisle, and hi olleagues in England, sailed on the 
21st of April for Ame ica, and arrived at Philadelphia in the 
I)eginning of June. Before they sailed the prospects of their 
mission were clouded by the official intelligence received of 
thr alliance between France and America, concluded in 
February, of which Mr. Fox had spoken in the House of 
Commons. The note of the French ambassador was dated 
on the eleventh of March, and six days afterwards was laid 
I before Parliament by the king, with a special mes- 
I sage, announcing the event, informing them that 
lie had recalled his minister from the French court, and 
declaring his determination to use the whole force and re- 
.sources of his kingdom, if necessar}', to repel every insult 
and attack. Both houses responded with spirit, roused into 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 249 

new indignation by this formidable combination. The re- 
sponses were not however unanimous. A strong efFoi-t waa 
made by the Duke of Richmond in the House of . -, ^ 
Lords to put an end to the v*rar, by withdrawing the ''" 
troops from North America, contending that the immediate 
recognition of American Independence was to be preferred to 
the prosecution of the war, under such adverse circumstances 
The motion failed. It is chiefly memorable in history as the 
last public appearance of the venerable and illustrious Chat- 
ham, in the House of Peers, and for the melancholy interest 
which belongs to his dying effort there. Though long a prey 
to incurable infirmities, by which he had been confined to hia 
own house, he resolved to attend at his place in Parliament, 
to oppose wilh his last strength, if needed, the dismember- 
ment of the British empire, by the recognition of American 
Independence. Supported into the house by his friends, he 
listened with eager impatience to the speech of the Duke ot 
Richmond, and tasked his whole bodily powers for a vehe- 
ment and impassioned reply. His concluding words, im- 
pressive in themselves, are more affecting as the last words 
of a great genius and an undoubted patriot; one who ex- 
pired in giving utterance to fervent sentiments in behalf of 
the honor and glory of his own country. " My lords," said 
he, " I rejoice that the grave has not yet closed upon me — ■ 
that I am still alive to lift up my voice against an acknoWf 
ledgment of the sovereignty of America, against the dismem- 
berment of this ancient and noble monarchy. Pressed down 
as I am by the load of infirmity, I am little able to assist my 
country in this most perilous conjuncture : but, my lords, 
while I have sense and memory, I never will consent to tar- 
nish the lustre of this nation by an ignominious surrender of 
its rights and fairest possessions. Shall a people so lately the 
terror of the world, now fall prostrate before the House of 
Bourhonl It is impossible. I am not, I confess, well inform- 
ed of the resources of this kingdom, but I trust it has slil] 
sufficient to maintain its just rights, though I know them 
not. — Any state, my lords, is better than despair. Let us at 
least make an effort — and, if we must fall, let us fall like 
men." 

The Duke of Richmond replied wilh profound respect to 
the appeal made by Lord Chatham, and asked him to point 
out the means by which America could be made to re-, 
nounce her Independence. When he concluded, Lord 



250 HISTORY OF THE 

Chatham eagerly attempted to rise, as though struggling to 
give utterance to some powerful emotion, but nature sank 
in the effort. He fell back in convulsions. The House 
adjourned immediately. The Earl lingered for a few weeks, 
and finally expired, on the 11th of May, in the seventieth 
year of his age. 

On the failure of the motion of the Duke of Richmond, the 
only hope of an immediate termination of the war was in the 
success of the Commissioners, who were forthwith despatched 
to America. The manner in which the bills had been received 
in America before their final passage, augured ill of the dis- 
position of Congress to listen to any terms. Governor Tryon, 
who had received them about the middle of April, instantly 
transmitted them to General Washington, and to the governors 
of several States. At the same time copies were industriously 
circulated to try their effect upon the minds of tlie people. 
Washington immediately forwarded those he had received to 
Congress, who were then in session, at Yorktown. He accom- 
panied them with letters, pointing out the mischiefs to the 
cause of Independence, which he apprehended from them. 
The course adopted in that body on the occes'on, is one of 
the most admirable incidents in the political history of the 
Revolution. It displays a serene dignity of deportment in the 
most trying circumstances, and a resolute determination 
which nothing could affect, to maintain to the last the 
sovereignty of the States. They were yet unapprized of the 
French alliance, and without ground for anticipating any 
speedy aid from that quarter. No despatches had been re- 
ceived from their envoys for more than a year, and at home 
their distresses were still unmitigated. They had little ex- 
cept hope to encourage them, and here was a prospect of 
jbtaining by the concession of tiieir Independence, all they 
had desired as Colonies, and more than they had ever asked. 
But without wavering, they rejected the proposal, and with 
a frankness which showed their confidence in the virtue 
and energy of the people, ordered the documents to be pub- 
lished and spread before the world, accompanied by the 
report of a commitleo, consisting of Messrs. Morris, Drayton, 
^^ I '^^^ Dana. After animadverting with severity on 
■ ' '^' "'' the bills, the report stigmatizes them as " the se- 
quel of that insidious plan, w hich, from the days of the Stamp 
Act down to the present time, hath involved the country in 
contention and bloodshed." They distrusted tlie faith of the 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 251 

British goveruTnent, and maintained, " as in other cases so 
in this," — " although circumstances may force them to re- 
cede from their unjustifiable claims," there could be no doubt 
but they would, " as heretofore, upon the first favorable op- 
portunity, again display that lust of domination which hath 
rent in twain the mighty empire of Britain." The Commit- 
tee reported and Congress declared, that the United States 
could not with propriety hold any conference or treaty with 
any Commissioners on the part of Great Britain ; unless they 
should, as a preliminary, either withdraw their fleets and 
armies, or in positive and express terms acknowledge the 
Independence of the States. 

In about two weeks after this peremptory rejection of the 
British proposition, the French treaties negotiated I 
in February, arrived in America, and were ratified | *^' 
on (he fourth of May, with joyful and grateful feelings. Con- 
gratulations and exultations resounded throughout America. 
Great and immediate results were anticipated from the co- 
operation of the French fleets and armies, and Independence 
was considered to be established beyond danger. Congress 
issued on the occasion a circular address, drawn up by Mr. 
Chase, of Maryland, to the people of the United States, and 
directed it to be read from the pulpit by the ministers of all 
denominations, congratulating them that "the God of bat- 
tles, in whom was their trust, had conducted them through 
the paths of danger and distress to the threshold of se- 
curity." It called upon them to persevere with strenu- 
ous, unremitted exertions, with the confidence that by the 
favour of Heaven, "the peace and the happiness of these 
sovereign, free, and independent States, founded on the 
virtue of their citizens, shall increase, extend and endure, 
until the Almighty shall blot out all the empires of the 
earth." 

Soon after, Congress received M. Gerard, the French 
Ambassador, with great pubUc ceremony and distinction. 
The American Envoys had been received with like public 
lienors by the French court, in March, and in the course 
of another month, Dr. Franklin was appointed Minister 
Plenipotentiary from the United States to France. 

It was under such unpropitious circumstances that the 
British Commissioners undertook to negotiate with Con- 
gress, on the basis of Lord North's conciliatory propositions. 
They were charged with the task of obtaining from the 



HISTORY OF THB 

Americans, strengthened by French alliance, terms which had 
been peremptorily rejected when they were alone and unaid- 
ed. In these altered relations a very difficult task was before 
the Commissioners, and they accordingly manifested an eager 
desire to extend the powers of their commission, and con- 
cede as largely as possible to all the claims of the Americans 
short of an acknowledgment of their Independence. Imme- 
diately on their arrival, they applied to Washington for a 
passport to their secretary. Dr. Ferguson, to be permitted to 
make communications personally to Congress. This was re- 
fused. They then forwarded letters, by the ordinary 
post, covering their commissions, the acts of Lord 
North, and a series of propositions for conciliation. These were 
of the most comprehensive description, offering to proclaim 
a cessation of hostilities by sea and land ; to agree to a free- 
dom of trade to any extent required by the joint interests of 
the two countries; to renounce the right of keeping militaiy 
forces without the consent of the Congress or particular as- 
semblies ; to establish a union, by a reciprocal riglit of re- 
presentation ; to provide means for raising the credit of 
American paper, and paying their debts; in short, to use 
the words of the Commissioners, "to establish the power of 
the respective legislatures for each particular State to settle 
its own revenue, its civil and military establishment, and to 
exercise a perfect freedom of legislation and infernal gov- 
ernment; so that the British States throughout North America, 
acting with us in peace and Avar under one common sover- 
eign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privi- 
lege that is short of a total separation of interests, or consist- 
ent with that union of force, on which the safety of our 
common religion and liberty depends." 

These offers came too late. A war of three 3'ears dura- 
tion had totally extinguished the affection which prevailed 
with such unanimity, at the commencement of the quarrel. 
Nothing but an unconditional acknowledgment of the sover- 
eignty of the States would be lij;tened to ; and so the Presi- 
dent of Congress was instructed to reply. Some insinuations 
against the good faith of the French in their interference in 
the quarrel, which the Commissioners had introduced into 
their letter, excited so much indignation among some of the 
members, that a motion was made to suspend the reading of 
tlie papers, and refuse to notice them further. That motion 
was finally p ;stponed, and a Committee, consisting of R. H. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 253 

Lee, Samuel Adams, W. H. Drayton, Governeur Morris, and 
Mr. Witherspoon, reported an answer, to be transmitted by 
President Laurens. It treated their assumption, that " the 
people of the States are still subjects of Great Britain," as 
" wholly inadmissible," but informed the Commissioners that 
they were willing to negotiate a treaty of peace and com- 
merce, whenever the king of Great Britain should manifest 
a sincere disposition for that purpose. It adds : "The only 
solid proof of that disposition will be, an explicit acknow- 
ledgment of the Independence of the States, or the with- 
drawing of his fleets and armies." 

To this firm annunciation the Commissioners made a re- 

§ly, insisting that they had conceded a degree of indepen- 
ence sufficient to justify Congress in treating with them. 
They went on to question Congress as to the extent of its 
own powers, and how these were derived from the States. 
Of this no other notice was taken by Congress except to de- 
clare, that as neither branch of their proposition, the acknow- 
ledgment of Independence nor the withdrawal of the Brit- 
ish forces, had been assented to, the negotiation was closed. 
Foiled in their open efforts, the Commissioners, or one of 
them at least, endeavoured to compass the same ends by 
private influeftce, and the use of liberal promises to indi- 
viduals supposed to have influence in the American coun- 
cils. Governor Johnston, whose personal acquaintance with 
Americans was large, made himself notorious in these in- 
trigues and attempts at bribery. He wrote private letters to 
Mr. Laurens, to Robert Morris, Mr. Dana, and Mr. Reed, in 
all of which intimations were given of the great gain which 
Would accrue, by the favor of the British government, to 
those who should be instrumental in reconciUng the two 
countries. To General Reed a direct ofler was made through 
a lady, a mutual friend, that for his influence he might have 
10,000/., and the best office in the Colonies in the gift of 
the Crown. " I am not worth purchasing," was the prompt 
reply of the incorruptible patriot, " but such as I am, the 
king of England is not rich enough to do it." 

These letters and oflers being laid before Congress, were 
considered by them as attempts to bribe their members, and 
pronounced to be such an indignity as to prevent them from 
holding any intercourse with Grovernor Johnston. Their 
declaration produced an angry rejoinder from him, and dis- 

Y :i ■ ■ ■ • -I V ■ i 



HISTORY OP THE 

daimers of all participation in his plans from the other Com- 
missioners. 

Finding Congress inflexible, the Commissioners addressed 
themselves to the people directly, by publishing a manifesto 
and proclamation. They denounced the obstinacy of Con- 
gress, and the ambitious designs of France, in unmeasured 
terms, and, losing the tone of conciliation, threatened the 
extremities of war against the allies of France, the natural 
enemy of Britain. It was declared, that if the British Colonies 
were to become the dependencies of France, self-preserva- 
tion would dictate that they should be made of " as little 
avail as possible." These papers they circulated under cover 
of flags of truce. 

Congress met these inflammatory attempts by declaring, 
that whoever might circulate them should forfeit the protec- 
tion of the flag; and then, boldly relying on the integritj-of 
the people, published them themselves. They issued a 
counter manifesto, repelling with indignation tlie threats of 
devastation, and declaring, "if our enemies persist in their 
present career of barbarity, we will take such cxcmplaiy 
vengeance as will deter others from a like conduct." — • W(» 
appeal," they said, " to that God who searcheth the hearts 
of men, for the rectitude of our intentions ; and in h'n holy 
presence declare, that as we are not moved by any light or 
hasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so, through every 
possible change of fortune, will adhere to this our determi- 
nation." 

In the Commissioners' proclamation, dated in October, 
forty days had been limited for the granting of pardons to 
sfich as should return to their allegiance. After the expira- 
tion of the term, without any applications for favor, they 
returned to England, leaving the conflict to be determined 
by the fortune of war. 

The military events of the year were by no means com- 
mensurate in importance with these civil and political occur- 
rences, nor did they answer the expectations of either party. 
The sanguine calculations of the Americans, on the decisive 
co-operation of the French, fnded in disappointment; while, 
on the other hand, the Biitish, with all their increased ex- 
'Crtions, made no progress in reconquering their revolted 
Colonies. Both sides were slow in taking the fielcL 
The American forces remained in their encampment at 
Valley Forge ; and the British, first under General Ho'.ve, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 255 

and subsequently under Sir Henry Clinton, occupied Phi- 
ladelphia. No other enterprises were undertaken than 
some successful predatory excursions into the neighbor- 
hood, for the purpose of obtaining supplies, or the less de- 
fensible object of destroying property. Four store houses, 
witlva large amount of goods, were burnt at Bordentown, 
and on the same occasion, they destroyed a large number of 
American vessels, including two frigates, nine ships, six pri- 
vateer sloops, twenty-three brigs, besides sloops and schoon- 
ers. Great ravages were also committed in Rhode Island, 
by the British forces there. They burnt the church and 
seven dwelling houses in Warren; the church, and about 
twenty houses in Bristol, and destroyed a great number of 
vessels and stores. 

The regular operations of the field were not opened, bj 
the main army on either side, until summer. 



256 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER Xir. 

The campaign of 1778, arranged at Paris between the 
French and American Commissioners, had for its object the 
blockade of the forces of General Howe in Philadelphia 
Washington, with a recruited army, commanding the passes 
of New Jersey, was expected to hold the land forces in 
check, while a powerful French fleet, despatched before the 
British could ceinforce or succor Admiral Howe, should 
blockade him effectually in the Delaware. The British fleet 
consisted of six sixty-four-gun ships, three of fift}', two of 
forty, with some frigates and sloops. Count D'Estaing, with 
a French fleet, comprising twelve ships of the line, one car- 
rying ninety guns, one eighty, and six seveaty-fours, with, 
three frigates, sailed from Toulon, on the I8th of April, and 
arrived off the Delaware in the beginning of July. He was 
too late by a few days for the success of the meditated 
blow. The British ministry had already anticipated such a 
scheme, and directed a concentration of the whole force in 
Amerka, at the city and haiboui- of New York. The Cojoa* 
missioners for conciliation carried out the order to the 
brothers Howe, to evacuate Philadelphia, and remove the 
fleet from the Delaware. Admiral Howe had left the Capes, 
of the Delaware, and arrived safely within Sandy Hook, 
only about a w-eek before Count D'Estaing, who had been 
detained by contrary winds, reached the coast. A reinforce- 
ment of twelve ships of the line was ordered to join the 
British fleet at New York, under the command of Admiral 
Byron, appointed to take the place of Admiral Howe, who 
had asked leave to return. 

The army also executed the same orders, but not without 
obstruction. It was for some time uncertain wl^ther Sir 
Henry Clinton would retreat through New Jersey, or em- 
bark on board of the fleet with his army. The ditficulty of 
embarkation, and the danger of meeting w'ith the French 
fleet, determined him to take the land route, and accord- 
ingly on the eighteenth of June, he put his whole i 
army in motion, evacuated Philadelphia, and com- | 
menced his retreat to New York. His force was rather over 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 267 

.. ten thousand men. The quantity of baggage and provi- 
sions, which he carried with him, was enormous. The Une 

, of march is stated to have extended over ten miles, and its 

: advance was very slow. In seven days they marched only 
forty miles. 

Washington, whose numbers exceeded those of Clinton, 
had narrowly watched his movements. He detached 
General Maxwell's brigade, to take post at Mount Holly, 
and co-operate with the Jersey militia, in harassing and re- 
tarding the march of Clinton. On the day Clinton abandon- 
ed the city, Washington put his own army in motion, and 
followed cautiously, keeping on the high lands, and thus re- 

'taining the power to engage the enemy or not at pleasure. 

'The Commander-in-chief was anxious to try a general en- 
gagement, but of the council of war, consisting of seven- 
teen generals, only two, Wayne and Cadwalader, concurred 
in the opinion fully. Morgan and Cadwalader were des- 
patched to harass the enemy in flank and rear. 

On halting at Princeton, the American general learned 
that Clinton had turned off from the direct road to New 
York, across the Raritan, and had taken a lower route by 
Monmouth, to Sandy Hook. He again summoned a coun- 
cil of war, who decided a second time against risking a bat- 
tle. Notwithstanding this decision, the movements of Clin- 
ton on the next day determined Washington not to permit 
him to reach the secure heights of Middleton without a 
battle. 

On the 27th he threw forward a body of troops, under 
the command of La Fayette, to attack the rear of the British, 
while he should advance with the main body. Clinton sent 
forward his baggage, under a sufficient escort, and with the 
bulk of his army remained to check the attack of La Fayette. 
Lee, with two brigades, was despatched to reinforce La Fay- 
ette, and, being the senior officer, took the command. Clin- 
ton encamped that night in a strong position, at Monmouth 
Court House. Lee rested at Englishtown, seven miles dis- 
tant. On the next morning-, as soon as the British ( 
army was m motion, Lee was ordered to attack j 
their rear, " unless there should be powerful reasons to the 
contrary." He was advised that the main body would 
march up in time to support him. He made his disposi- 
tions accordingly, and advanced slowly towards Monmouth^ 
when he ascertained that the British were marchinff to 



*^ 



HISTORY OF THE 



meet him. Clinton had sent forward his baggage, and or- 
dered Cornwallis to meet the meditated attack. The move- 
ments of the Americans induced the enemy to tiiink that 
their design was to intercept the baggage, and Cornwallis 
was directed to charge them, which he did with a superior 
force. The corps of La Fayette, which was on the advance, 
was driven back, and Lee, uncertain of the extent of the 
force brought against him, and thinking the ground unfavora- 
ble, repassed a morass which was in his rear, with a view of 
gaining a more favorable position. Part of his troops, under 
General Scott, mi.itook tlie order, and continued to retreat, 
and Lee was compelled to follow, the enemy pursuing him 
b^iskh^ Washington, who was pushing forward rapidly to 
support "liirn, unapprised of these movements, met the ad- 
vance in this disorder, and, both surprised and vexed, ad- 
dressed General Lee with warmth, disapproving of the retreat 
in sharj) terms. He formed the troops in order, restoring 
the command to Lee, v.'ho, notwithstanding the altercation, 
consented to act, and returned to tlie main body. Lee sus- 
tained the attack of Cornwallis with bravery and resolution, 
and, when forced off the ground, retreated in good order, 
and formed again at Eaglishtown. Washington, having 
gained time by this check to the British advance, renewed 
the airtack, and a general battle ensued, which lasted till 
night, in one of the hottest days of summer. Darkness put 
an end to the combat, without advantage to either party. 
The Americans rested on their arms, intending to resume 
the battle on the morning, but Clinton, at midnight, silently 
decamped with his whole force, and by morning Avas be- 
yond j)ursuit. 

"Washington desisted from any attempts to interrupt them, 
and marched his army leisurely to cover the passes of the 
Hudson. Clinton reached Sandy Hook on the 5th of July, 
and embarked immediately for New York. 

In the battle of Monmouth the British loss was about three 
hundred, found upon the field. The Americans lost eight 
officers and sixty-one privates, killed ; and one hundred and 
sixty, wounded. Many of both armies died without a 
wound, from excessive heat and fatigue. The Americans 
made about one h<indred prisoners, and it is estimated that a 
thousand privates, chiefly Germans, deserted from the 
enemy during the march through New Jersey. 

Washington, though in thQ excitement of the occasion he 



AMERICAN- RT. VOLUTION. 259 

had used strong language to General Lee, on the da} of ac- 
tion, disapproving of his retreat, had nevertheless continued 
him in command, and showed no disposition to proceed fur- 
ther. But Lee was too deeply irritated to submit quietly to 
the reprimand, and on the next day addressed two haughty 
and offensive letters to the Commander-in-chief. The issue 
of the correspondence was the arrest of Lee, and his trial by 
court-martial upon three charges : L For disobedience of 
orders, in not attacking the enemy on the 28th of June, 
agreeably to repeated instructions. 2. For misbehaviour be- 
fore the enemy, on the same day, by making an unneces?^ 
sary, disorderly, and shameful retreat. 3. For disrespect to 
the Commander-in-chief in two letters. 

The high colouring of the second charge was made on the 
representations of Generals Wayne and Scott, but on the 
trial it was shown that they had misapprehended him. Lord 
Sterling presided at the court-martial. They found Lee guilty 
of all the charges, but softened down the language of ihe 
second, and found him only guilty of making an unnecessary 
and in some instances a disorderl}^ retreat. They sentenced 
him to be suspended from command for one year. Congress 
finally approved the sentence. It is impossible to deny, 
on a review of the case of Lee, at this day, that he was 
-harshl}^ dealt with by the court, and that it is ditficult to find 
just cause for their judgment. The excitement against him 
in the army, and the inconvenience to the service, which 
might have been produced by his unpopularity, probably 
swayed their minds, and deprived the country of the services 
of an able and gallant, if a rash and irritable, officer. 

Soon after Sir Henry Clinton reached New York, the- 
French fleet appeared off the harbor. Disappointed in the 
escape of Admiral Howe with the British fleet from the Dela- 
\vz.Te, Count D'Estaing had followed them along the coast,, 
and, on the 11th of July, made a display before Sandy Hook, 
as though about to force his way into the bay of New York, 
to attack the fleet. He found it impracticable to work his 
large ships over the bar, and in consequence remained be- 
fore the port, blockading the -British fleet, till the 22d of 
,luiv. A great number of English vessels fell into his 
hands. On the 22d he sailed with his whole fleet I j , »ij 
for Nev.'port, Rhode Island, to co-operate Avith a | "^ 
land expedition sent against the Biitish at that place. Again 
the British had a fortunate escape in his movements, 'i'hc. 



260 HISTORY OF THE 

fleet of Byron, sent out to reinforce Howe, met with storms 
and adverse Avinds, and had been separated. Within eight 
days after D'Estaing's departure, five or six of this squad- 
ron arrived in a damaged condition, separately, at Sandy 
Hook, and must have fallen into his power had he re- 
mained on that station. He arrived off Newport on the 
29th of July. 

Rhode Island had been in the possession of the British 
since 1776, and it was now planned by the American gen- 
eral to make a concerted attack by sea and land, with the 
hope of capturing the whole army in garrison there. The 
British general was Sir Robert Pigot, and the force under 
his command, by reinforcements from New York, had been 
augmented to six thousand. 

The American land forces were put under the command 
of General Sullivan, and amounted to ten thousand men. 
Generals Greene and La Fayette subsequently joined him. 
and the army took post at Tiverton, relying upon the co- 
o])eration of D'Estaing in the capture of Newport. The 
ninth of August was fixed for the action, and Sul- 
livan made the necessary dispositions of his force. 
On the day previous, signals were made that the British 
fleet from New York, reinforced by a part of Byron's squad- 
ron, had arrived off the harbor. The position of the French 
fleet was unassailable, and they might have persevered, 
with little prospect of failure, in the attack upon the town. 
The admiral, however, eager to engage the enemy by sea, 
abandoned the harbor on the eleventh, and stood out with 
his whole force in search of Howe. The two fleets ma- 
noeuvred for two days, in order to get the advantage in po- 
sition, and on the 15th met and drew up in order of battle. 
At the moment they were about to engage, a severe storm 
separated them. The gale continued to increase in vio- 
lence for two days ; the ships of both sides were dispersed, 
some of them damaged and disabled, and forced to put 
back into port to refit — the British to New York, and the 
French to Newport, where they arrived on the 20th. Sulli- 
van, in the mean time, had crossed over to the island, and 
made his approaches tovvai-ds Newport, relying on the as- 
sistance of D'Estaing. He had already made considerable 
progress in the siege, when he was disappointed, and all his 
views frustrated, by the determination of the French admi- 
ral to abandon the enterprise and repair to Boston to repair 



Sept. Ist, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 261 

damages. Notwithstanding the remonstrance of the Amer- 
ican officers, this design was carried immediately 
into effect, and on the 22d, the whole French "^' 
fleet departed, leaving the harbor open to the British. Ex- 
posed to an attack from New York, and deserted by his al- 
lies in the most critical moment, Sullivan soon found it 
impossible to continue the siege. His militia, dis- 
heartened at the change of prospect, left him in 
large numbers, and after delaying about a week, he wa 
compelled to order a retreat. This was effected with skill 
The Americans succeeded in getting some hours start of 
the enemy, and had reached a strong position on the north 
part of the island, when they were attacked by a pursuing 
party, and a sharp engagement ensued, in which the Amer- 
icans succeeded in repulsing the enemy. The American 
loss was 211, and the British 260. Aware of the near ap- 
proach of Sir Henry Clinton with a strong reinforcement, 
Sullivan saw the necessity of retreating with rapidity, which 
he effected on the 30th, with a skill and prudence which 
have been much applauded. On the next day, 
Clinton, with four thousand men, arrived at New- 
port from New York, but Sullivan was beyond pursuit. 

Howe, after refitting his fleet in New York, sailed to in- 
tercept D'Estaing on his way to Boston, but failed. He ac- 
cordingly returned to New York, where his fleet was further 
strengthened by the arrival of sev'eral more ships belonging' 
to Admiral Byron's squadron. He resigned the command, 
ad interim, to Admiral Gambler, and returned to England. 
On the sixteenth. Admiral BjTon arrived, and assumed the 
command. 

The French fleet was received at Boston with great cool- 
ness by the Americans. The irritations that had already 
been produced between the French and American offi- 
cers at Newport, were renewed and aggravated. Among 
the populace the disappointment caused by the failures 
of the French in the Delaware, at Nqw York, and at Rhode 
Island, broke out into insult, and ended, in some instances, 
in outrage. Much was done by General Washington and 
La Fayette to soothe their angry feelings and restore equiv- 
nimity and confidence, and their efforts were partially suc- 
cessful. The manly and forbearing conduct of Count D'Es 
taing, aided materiELJly in restoring harmony. He addressed 
some spirited letters to Congress, and offered to march his 



inns HISTORY OF THE 

tfoops by land to the aid of Sullivan. The faults complained 
of in the management of the fleet are attributed less to any 
want of zeal and capacity in Count D'Estaing, than to his 
inexperience, and his dependence on the judgment of his 
officers, who sometimes overruled his own opinion. 

The remaining operations of the year, on both sides, can 
be summed up briefly. Adrhiral Byron, having got his 
whole force in order, sailed for Boston to watch the motions 
of the French, but encountering another violent storm, was 
driven off the coast, and his ships sustained so much dam- 
age as to be forced to take shelter in Rhode Island. Count 
D'Estaing embraced the opportunity, and sailed for the West 
Indies, on the 3d of November. On the same da)^ Admiral 
Hotham, witli part of the English fleet, sailed in the same 
direction from Sandy Hook, and was followed in December 
by the whole British fleet. The scene of the conflict be- 
tween the fleets of the two European parties to the war, 
was thu^ transferred to the South, and at the same lime the 
contest on land took the same direction. 

A few days after the departure of the French fleet, Gen- 
eral Gates arrived at Boston, and took command of the 
Northern army. 

Active operations in the North closed with the retreat of 
Sullivan from Rhode Island. In the Middle States no im- 
portant movement was made after the battle of Monmouth. 
A few detached enterprises on both sides were undertaken, 
some of which require notice. 

On the return of Clinton to New York, in the beginning 
of September, he despatched General Grey to Buzzard s 
Bay, in New England, to destroy the American privateew 
that resorted there. He accomplished that object, burning 
about seventy sail of shipping, with magazines, warehouses, 
ropewalks, and the wharves on both sides of the river at 
Bedford and Fairhaven. Thence he proceeded to Martha's 
Vineyard, and captured and carried off a large quantity of 
live stock. 

A stronger expedition was next organized against Egg 
Harbor, on the Jersey coast. This was a general resort for 
American privateers and their prizes. Lord Cornwallis and 
General Kniphausen took up a position in New Jersey and 
on the Hudson, to interpose between the camp of Washing- 
ton in the Higlilands and the coast, while their frigates and 
some light vessels, with a British regiment, sailed directly 



AMERICAN REVOLUTIOIS'. 263 

for the harbor. The Americans, apprized of the expedition, 
had sent most of their vessels to sea, and removed others up 
the river. The British, disappointed in their principal ob- 
ject, marched in pursuit, burnt several vessels, chiefly British 
prizes, and proceeded to destroy and ravage all the property 
within their reach. On their return they surprised the light- 
infantry belonging to Pulaski's corps, in their sleep, and 
killed about fifty of them, including some distinguished offi- 
cers. Another savage massacre was committed on another 
American regiment, by a part of Cornwallis's division, ou 
the same service. They were a party of light-dragoons, 
commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Baylor, who had taken 
up their lodgings in a barn, near Tappaun, on the Hudson. 
The outpost of the militia, having abandoned their ground 
without giving information to Colonel Baylor, a British de- 
tachment, under General Grey, was enabled to advance 
silently and surprise the patrol, whom they cut off, without 
alarming the Americans. They then rushed in upon the 
sleeping dragoons, and without mercy, or regard for re- 
peated cries for quarter, bayonetted more than half of 
them upon the spot. Sixty-seven out of one hundred and 
four were killed or wounded, and those who were spared 
saved their lives by the humanity of one of the captains, in 
disobedience of the commands of his superior. The massacre 
was the topic of general indignation, and depositions estab- 
lishing the facts, collected by Governor Livingston of New 
Jersey, were spread before the world as proofs of the bar 
barous practices of the British. 

Bloody and cruel as were these slaughters, and justly a 
stain on the character of the English general, they fall into 
insignificance compared with the atrocities committed in 
the same year by the Indians and tories in the British ser- 
vice. The massacre at Wyoming was marked with an ac- 
cumulation of horrors that make the blood freeze in recall- 
ing them. This settlement consisted of eight townships > 
forty miles square, on the Susquehanna river, cultivated by,) 
emigrants from Connecticut, who had made it one of the 
most beautiful and flourishing places in America. A rich 
and fertile garden embosomed in the forest, with a peaceful, 
ajid industrious people, in a secluded part of the country, it 
might have been hoped that devastation would not reach so 
far, and that war, if not paH^ discord, would spare so delightful 
md romantic a scene. On the declaratioa of Independenqe 



titStoR^ OF tiifi 

the mass of the inhabitants united with their countrymen ill 
supporting that measure, and furnished a thousand men to 
the American army. The loyahsts and tories, however, 
•were numerous, and no where did they exhibit a more 
ferocious spirit. Several of them having been arrested for 
trial, their party formed a secret league with the Indians, 
commanded by a tory refugee, named John Butler, and a 
half-blood, named Brandt, to obtain vengeance on the de-' 
voted settlement. Deceitful professions and artful manoeu- 
vres were practised to lull the victims into security, until all 
was prepared, and in the month of July, a force of about 
seventeen hundred Indians and tories invaded the unsus- 
pecting community. Four forts constituted its defences, 
and about 500 men were all the force that had remained. 
The rest were with the American army. Two of the forts 
fell into their hands, one by the treachery of the tories, and 
the other by storm. Here they spared the women and 
children, but butchered the male prisoners without excep- 
tion. The third fort, called Kingston, was next surrounded. 
Here the old men, the sick, the children, and the females, 
all who were incapable of bearing arms, were collected. A 
great part of the defenders, four hundred in number, with 
unaccountable credulity, were lured out of the fort to parley 
■with the enemy, and betrayed into an ambush, where all 
but sixty were massacred on the spot by the Indians, or tor- 
tured to death as prisoners. The feeble remnants of the gar- 
rison were appalled on the return of the exulting savages, 
by having two hundred reeking scalps of their murdered 
kinsmen thrown among them. To the flag of truce, begging 
for terms of surrender, the besiegers gave but one inhuman 
word in reply, the hatchet! When they were forced at last 
to give up at discretion, the barbarians enclosed men, 
women, and children in the barracks, and setting fire to 
them, mocked at the agonies of their victims, expiring in 
the flames. The last fort offered no resistance, and shared 
the same fate. The whole settlement was then ravaged 
and desolated by fire and sword by the furious victors, 
sparing neither house nor field, nor brute beast, that belong- 
ed to a republican. The enormities they "perpetrated, chiefly 
under the guidance with fire and encouragement of renegade 
Americans, exceed the imagination and defy description. 
A blacker record of human depravity, a more revolting pic- 
ture of human suffering, is not to be found in the annals of 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 2tt5 

civilized nations. The wars of the most sava^ and igno- 
rant tribes never presented more cold-blooded and remorse- 
less barbarity, than the massacre of Wyoming stamped upon 
the conduct of the tories of the Revolution. 

A retaliatory expedition was undertaken in October, by 
Colonel William Butler, of Schoharie, New York, into the 
district occupied by these Indians and the tories. They 
ravaged the country on both sides of the Susquehanna, and 
between that river and the Delaware, and punished severely 
such of the barbarians and renegade whites as fell into their 
power. The tory Butler, in revenge, invaded Cherry Val- 
ley, in the month of November, and re-enacted the barbari- 
ties of Wyoming. 

These excursions for plunder and devastation were the 
only military events requiring notice, which took place in 
the Middle States during the remainder of the year 1778. 
Washington withdrew his forces to a commanding station at 
White Plains, and early in the season led them to winter- 
quarters, at Middlebrook in New Jersey. Sir Henry Clinton 
was in safe quarters in the city of New York. It is not a 
little remarkable, that the relative position of the two armies 
did not vary much from that at the close of 1776. The fact 
is noted by Washington, in one of his letters, in the follow- 
ing impressive terms: "It is not a little pleasing, nor less 
wonderful to contemplate, that after two years manceuvring, 
and undergoing the strangest vicissitudes, both armies are 
brought back to the very point they set out from, and the 
offending party in the beginning is now reduced to the use 
of the pickaxe and the spade for defence. The hand of Pro- 
vidence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be 
worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked 
that has not gratitude to acknowledge his obligations." The 
British general, knowing his superiority of force, and avail- 
ing himself of his command of the coast by means of the 
fleet, towards the close of the year despatched an expedi- 
tion to Georgia. The South was made the theatre of a win- 
ter campaign. On the 27th of November, Colonel Camp- 
bell, with two thousand men, including the New York 
tory companies, convoyed by ships of war, commanded 
by Commodore Hyde Parker, sailed from New York for 
Savannah, and at the same time orders were dispatched to 
General Prevost, who was at the head of the British forces 
ID East Florida, to advance into Georgia to co-operate with 

Z 



'866 HISTORY OP THE 

Campbell, and take the command of the joint expeditioht 
The squadron was detained about three weeks at sea, and 
finally entered the Tybee river late in the ensuing month. 

I On the 29th of December, the troops elTected a 
landing, about twelve miles up the river Savan- 
nah, and three miles below the city. 

The American force for the defence of the place was un- 
der the command of General Robert Howe, and consisted of 
about six hundred continentals, and a few hundred militia. 
His numbers were much reduced by an unsuccessful expe- 
dition into Florida, from which he had just returned. The 
position which he chose for the repulse of the British, was 
naturally strong, and could have been defended but for the 
accidental discovery of a path which led through a morass 
to the American rear. By this, which was unknown lo the 
Americans, a detachment of British infantry, with the New 
York volunteers, gained, unobserved, the rear of General 
Howe's little army, and by a simultaneous attack broke them 
up instantly, and drove them into and througli the city of 
Savannah, with the loss of all their artillery, one hundred 
killed, and four hundred and fifty prisoners. The defeated 
and scattered troops made the best of their way into South 
Carolina, and the capital of Georgia was quietly occupied 
by the enemy. General Prevost, following his instructions, 
marched his troops from East Florida, and after many days 
of difficult and painful travelling through the wildeines.^, 
entered the State of Georgia, captured the fort of Sunbury, 
and marched into Savannah to take the command. The 
whole State submitted without fuilher ellurt, and the royal 
government was in a short time 'established completely. 
Colonel Campbell acted with much policy, forbearance and 
dignity, and did more for the Br tish interest, daring the 
time in which he held commam- than any British officer 
who served in America during tb > war. Georgia is the only 
State in the Union in which, aft' r the declaration of Inde- 
pendence, the legislature was per :eably convened under the 
authority of the Crown of Gre?* Britain. 

Congress appointed Lincoln < the command of the South- 
ern department, and on the 4^ of December he arrived at 
Charleston. There were no troops ready for him, and it was 
not till the beginning of January that he was able, with the 
remnant of Howe's force, < i muster 1,4(M) men, with which 
he established himself at f'-rrysburgh, on the Savaanah 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 267 

river, about fifteen miles from General Prevost. He had 
neither field pieces, arms, tents, nor ammunition. Towards 
the end of that month, the Nortli Carolina militia, under 
General Ashe, increased his numbers to about 3,000. 

At the close of the year 1778, the British had made no 
progress in subduing America. They had ravaged and laid 
waste a wide extent of territory, inflicting much distress upon 
individuals, but beyond the possession of New York, New- 
port, and Savannah, they had no foothold in the country. The 
subjugation of the State of Georgia, mentioned above, in or- 
der not to break unnecessarily the current of the narrative, 
was not made until the beginning of 1779. After three years 
of warfare, Great Britain was no stronger than at first, and 
had expended thousands of lives and millions of money, and 
brought upon herself open Avar with one of the most potent 
nations in Europe, and the ill-concealed hostility of another. 
A long, bloody, and expensive struggle was yet before her, 
with but faint prospect of recovering her revolted Colonies. 

These considerations, on the other hand, afibrded substan- 
tial reasons for hope and confidence to the Americans. But 
the issue of the campaign was a grievous disappointment to 
the sanguine hopes to which its commencement had given 
rise, and the internal condition in which it left them Avas 
real cause for gloom and alarm. The alliance with France 
had been hailed with exultation as decisive of the success of 
Independence, and from the strong force which it brought to 
the succor of the States great results had been predicted. 
The first unhappy effect of these calculations was an abate- 
ment of the zeal for action on their own behalf, which had 
marked their unassisted exertions, and an over confident 
reliance upon the arms of the French. A feehng, if not of 
reluctance, of indifference to the pubhc service, was indulged 
in by the mass of those from Avhom the armies were to be 
recruited, and bj^ whom the means of restoring the finances 
and consolidating the institutions of the country were to be 
furnished. The immediate pressure being as they thought 
removed, their minds turned more to the repairing of their 
own means than to a vigorous and united effort for expelling 
the British fleets and armies. This languor continued to af- 
fect the operations of the States for the whole of the next 
year, and produced deplorable consequences. These de- 
lusive expectations were only suspended, not destroyed, by 
the uftfortunate issue of the several French ejq)editioni 



868 HISTORY OP THE 

undertaken during the year. Irritation was felt and strongly 
expressed against the manner in which the French fleet had 
been employed, its inefficiency before Sandy Hook and at 
Newport, and its departure from the coast to prosecute the 
French interests in the West Indies. Such severe disappoint- 
ments, together with the abatement of the popular ardor 
produced serious alarms in the minds of the leading patriots, 
and required their most energetic efforts to counteract the 
injurious consequences. The consequences were carried 
into all the relations of civil government, and all the politi- 
cal concerns of the country, no less than into the condition 
and efficiency of the army. The currency continued to de- 
preciate without the possibility of a remedy. The finances 
of Congress were in a state of confusion and embarrassment 
that threatened an early dissolution of that body, for the 
want of the means to keep them together; their credit was 
t /tally exhausted, and party spirit, state jealousies, and per- 
i onal rivalries distracted their councils. In all the moral 
characteristics of the contest, in union, self-reliance, and 
energy, the cause of Independence had rather retrograded 
than been advanced by the French alliance. 

It was about this epoch that, stimulated by the French 
minister and admiral, a project was meditated for the con- 
quest of Canada. The object was very desirable to the 
French, and was urged earnestly upon Congress. They were 
inclined to the expedition, and without communicating fully 
with Washington, they had conceived a general plan for the 
conquest of all the British posts, by the simultaneous attacks 
of the different American detachments on the Northern fron- 
tier, aided by a French fleet and army, operating in the 
St. Lawrence. The extravagance of the plan was zealously 
exposed by Washington, and with final success, although it 
was reluctantly given up. He showed it to be impossible 
to provide the proper force, and dangerous to the safety of 
the States, from which their defence must be withdrawn in 
order to gather even a respectable army in the North. Pri- 
vately he urged political considerations of weight, dissuad- 
ing Congress from engaging all their available strength in an 
expedition which promised so little comparative benefit to 
themselves, but which was of such great prospective value 
to France. The expedition was laid aside on the report of 
a committee of Congress, based upon the views of the Com- 
mander-in*chief. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 2G9 

Late in the autuma of 1778, General Lafayette obtained 
leave to return to France, on a visit, principally with the 
design of procuring by his personal influence additional aid 
from the French court to the United States. 

Mr. Laurens resigned the Presidency of Congress, and 
was succeeded by John Jay. 

In England Parliament met on the 26th of November. 
The kiag's speech, without speaking directly of the Ameri- 
can affairs, complained in strong language of the conduct of 
France as an " unprovoked aggression." The popular hos- 
tility towards the French nation appeared to give a new 
spirit to the war, and ministers were more warmly support- 
ed in their line of policy. The opposition confined them- 
selves to attacks upon the manner of conducting the late 
campaigns, and the tardy and inefficient preparations that 
had been made. The conduct of Commissioner Johnstone 
was arraigned severely. The employment of Indians in the 
British army was strongly reprobated, and motions made for 
a public censure upon the threatening manifesto with which 
the Commissioners had closed their labors in America. Mr. 
Johnstone defended the proclamation, owned and justified 
it as avowing a war of desolation to be right and expe- 
dient against such a refractory and rebellious people. 
Ministers defended it on other grounds, rejecting the ex- 
treme interpretation of Johnstone, and the vote of censure 
was refused. The conduct of ministers was brought I 

• • • • I 1779 

under review by an inquiry instituted at the re- | 
quest of General Howe, \vho, in his place in Parliament, 
accused the secretary of maladministration in relation to 
America. Lord Cornwallis, General Grey, and other offi- 
cers, were examined at the bar. Burgoyne, who had been 
in vain demanding an inquiry into his own conduct, took 
the opportunity of renewing it, and that was also granted. 
Numerous witnesses were examined on his behalf, and most 
of the session consumed in the investigation. The Com- 
mittee came to no decision in either case, but the testimony 
clearly convicted the ministry of great ignorance of the 
geography and condition of America, as well as (?f the mili- 
tary means proper for prosecuting the war. The session was 
protracted to late in the summer of 1779. Before they ad 
journed, another enemy had been joined to the confederacy 
against Great Britain, by the manifesto of the king of Spai»,' 

Z 3 



8W HISTORY OF THE 

which was coasidered a declaration of war, and as such 
communicated by message on the 17th of June. 

In the French treaties with the United States a secret 
article had reserved to the king of Spain, a right to be- 
come a party. That monarch had interests of his own on 
the American continent, which made him reluctant to aid 
the Americans, however much he might desire to cripple 
the power of England. As a security for his own possessions, 
and as a remuneration for his co-operation, he required a 
preliminary relinquishment by the United States of all 
claims to the territory west of the Allcghan)' Moimtains, 
and the recognition of his exclusive right to the navigation 
of the Mississippi. He was displeased with the French 
treaties for not making stipulations of this kind, and declined 
becoming a party to them. He however ofTered his media- 
tion between France and Great Britain, with the under- 
standing that the United States were to be included in the 
terms agreed upon. The mediation was listened to un- 
doubtedly with a view to procrastination by Great Britain, 
to prevent the junction of Spain with France in the war 
against her. A correspondence was instituted, which was 
kept up for eight months, and was finally concluded by the 
offer of an vltimnium by the Spanish court, in which was in- 
cluded a stipulation that the American provinces should be 
treated with as " independent in fact." The court of London 
rejected the proposition on the 4th of May, 1779. This re- 
sult was expected by the court of Spain. In anticipation of 
the refusal, they had, in April preceding, formed a secret 
treaty with France, engaging to declare war. A manifesto 
to that effect, setting forth various causes of complaint against 
England, was delivered to the British secretary by the 
Spanish ambassador, on the IGth of June, and responded to 
immediately by the king and parliament. A new militia 
bill was introduced; increased supplies voted, with little op- 
position ; and the army and navy largely augmented. Sev- 
enty thousand seamen were voted for the hoine service, and- 
about thirty thousand soldiers in addition to those already ia 
America, computed to amount, foreigners included, to forty 
thousand more. The sums of money voted for the serviceg 
of the year amounted to 15,07"2,654/. 

The British court, during the pen<lency of the negotiations 
whicK added Spain to the number of her open enemies, was 
Dot inactive in. endeavoring to detach the Americaos froms 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. $i7l 

their new alliances by separate proposals, offering liberal 
terms of reconciliation. I]# the winter of 1778—79, David 
Hartley, an eminent whig member of Parliament, went ta 
Paris, with the privity of Lord North, to confer with Dr. 
Franklin. The great point to which his labors were directed, 
was to obtain the consent of America to treat separately for 
peace. His own preliminary propositions made to Dr., 
Franklin, in April, contained a postulatinn, that America 
should be " released, free, and unengaged from any treaties 
with foreign powers, which may tend to embarrass or defeat 
the proposed negotiation." The " great stumbling-block in 
the way of reconciliation," as Hartley expressl}^ told Frank- 
lin, was the connexion with France. If, as was probably de- 
signed, the British ministry expected any admission which 
might be employed to create distrust in the comt of France 
against the good faith of America, the sequel deceived them. 
France had more than once shown an apprehension that the 
States might consider themselves at liberty to make a sepa- 
rate peace. On the' 1st of January they made such a repre- 
sentation to Congress through their ambassador, as to draw 
forth a solemn declaration, unanimously adopted, that "as 
neither France nor the United States might of right, so these 
United States will not conclude either truce or peace with 
the common enemy without the formal consent of their 
ally first obtained." Dr. Franklin wisely and firmly ad- 
hered to the same line of policy, in his reply to Hartley 
"America," he said, " has no desire of being free from hei 
engagements to France. The chief is, that of continuing 
tlie war in conjunction with her, and not making a separate 
peace ; and this is an obligation not in the power of America 
to dissolve, being an obligation of gratitude and justice to- 
wards a nation which is engaged in a war on her account 
and for her protection, and would be for ever bindings 
whether such an article existed or not in the treaty ; and 
though it did not exist, an honest American would cut his 
right hand off sooner than sign an agreement with England- 
contrary to. the spirit of it." Of course the negotiation pro- 
ceeded no further.. 

The time employed in, these official negotiations relative 
to the Spanish mediation, was further employed in discus- 
sions between the French court and Congress, in which 
some of the secret motives of France and Spain, in aiding- 
America;, were developed. In the debates of Congressf,^ 



272 HISTORY OP THE 

springing out of the important questions of interest anS ter- 
ritory presented to them, are t<i be seen the first strongly 
marked party divisions respecting the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi and the Eastern fisheries, which afterwards pro- 
duced so much discord and jealousy. These points attracted 
the early attention of France and Spain, and there is little 
question that, besides their general hostility to Great Britain, 
tliose powers had their own separate views of gain. France 
was especially eager for a participation, if not an exclusive 
right, in the Newfoundland fisheries, to be conquered from 
Britain and secured by the gratitude of the States. Her 
views upon Canada have been already alluded to. She was 
also anxious to further the plans of the other branch of the 
Bourbon family upon Florida and the Mississippi. Spain 
looked upon the possession of the Floridas, and the control 
of the navigation of the Mississippi, as her prize in the war 
against Britain. The French court entered into the alliance 
with the new States without having obtained any stipulation 
for these concessions. The time was critical, and her assent 
was given with the design of urging the same claims as an 
ally, generous and able to help them in their adversity, and 
entitled to liberal concessions of territory and privileges. 
The mediation offered by Spain, and the negotiations for her 
co-operation in the war, afforded an occasion for pressing 
these views, and making as profitable a bargain as possible 
with the Americans. The announcement by M. Gerard of 
the offered mediation, was accompanied by some suggestions 
to Congress of the necessity of moderation in the terms, 
upon which they would be willing to conclude peace, in case 
the mediation should be successful. He intimated the pro- 
priety of not insisting upon a formal and explicit acknow- 
ledgment of Independence ; advising them to be content 
with a tacit recognition. He laid much stress upon the 
value of Spanish aid, enlarged upon the extent of the con- 
cessions which ought to be made to secure it, and finally re- 
commended terms of peace to be offered embracing these 
•everal points, limiting the territory of the United States 
east of the Alleghany, abandoning the fisheries, and adopting 
such an implied sovereignty as the Swiss Cantons enjoy. 
Congress were willing to grant much for the value of the 
expected alliance, but they were too sagacious not to see, 
that Spain would not be governed in her course by any re- 
gard for American liberty, or sympathy for republicanism, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 273 

out b}'^ political calculations and the hereditary hostility of 
the Bourbons against England. In settling the conditions 
to be insisted upon, under the proposed mediation, and to 
secure the Spanish alliance, warm and long continued de- 
bates took place, in which the States were differently sway- 
ed, according to their geographical position. The East were 
zealous for never yielding the fisheries, and the West insist- 
ed, as a sine qua 7ion, on the navigation of the Mississippi 
These discussions were protracted until the mediation was 
finally rejected by the court of Great Britain ; but the same 
arguments continued to be pressed upon Congress by M. 
Gerard, to induce them to offer to His Catholic Majesty 
"proper terms" to " reconcile him perfectly to the Ameri- 
can interests." These " proper terms," were the same pre- 
viously advocated. It should not be forgotten, in reciting 
these intrigues, that when the French minister was, in July, 
recommending the United States to make large concessions 
to induce Spain to go to war with England, a treaty was 
actually in existence between France and Spain, concluded 
in the preceding April, for making the war, independent of 
any American interests. Congress became strengthened in 
the belief that Spain would, at all events, for her own 
quarrels, join with France, and still held off, declining to 
accede to the French proposals. In a short time the war 
actually broke out in Europe and America. The object of 
all these intrigues was, however, not abandoned. Spain, by 
joining in the war, did not accede to the treaties between 
the United States and France. The same arguments were 
used to persuade Congress to pay highly for a treaty with 
Spain directly, of alliance, amity, and commerce. The ut- 
most concession which Congress would make, was to offer 
the Floridas with a guarantee — the fisheries and the Missis- 
sippi they would not yield. Spain resented this obstinacy, 
and, though engaged in the war against the common enemy 
did not acknowledge the Independence of the United States, 
nor receive nor send ambassadors. 

To prevail upon her to do so, and to negotiate a treaty of 
amity and commerce, John Jay, at the time of his election 
President of Congress, was appointed a minister to Spain. 
At the same time John Adams was chosen minister for the 
same object, to negotiate a like treaty with Great Britain. 
The increase of the hostile combination agiinst Great Britain, 
led to the impression thftt the war would soon end. Samuel 



S74 HISTORY OF THE 

Huntingdon, of Connecticut, succeeded Mr. Jay as Presi- 
dent of Congress. 

M. Gerard returned to France, and in the month of No- 
vember, the Chevalier de la Luzerne was received by Con- 
gress as the French Minister Plenipotentiary. 

Immediately after the Spanish declaration of war, the joint 
fleets of France and Spain, under the command of Count 
D'Orvilliers, consisting of sixty-five ships of the line, and 
numerous frigates, entered the British channel, and spread 
consternation along the coasts. They retired, however, with- 
out undertaking any enterprise of moment. 



AMERICAN REVOtUTION. 275 



ft.- 

CHAPTER XIII. 

»>■ 

The military operations during the year 1779, were 
carried on in three separate quarters. The fleets j 
of France and England contended for supe- | 
riority in the West Indies ; — Sir Henry Clinton, at New 
York, employed the troops under his command in harassing 
the country, to prevent Washington from detaching any 
aid to the South ; and General Prevost, in Georgia, prose- 
cuted the duty assigned to him of reducing Georgia and 
South Carolina. 

The course of events in the West Indies does not bear 
materially upon the affairs of the American Revolution. It 
was a struggle by France chiefly for her own benefit, and 
served to retard that direct co-operation with the republican 
forces which had been expected from her. It had one great 
advantage of occupying a large part of the British fleet at a 
distance from the coast of the States. The French force in 
the West India Islands, in December, 1778, was under the 
command of the Marquis of Bouille. By a sudden attack, he 
made himself master of Dominica. The British fleet was 
commanded by Admiral Barrington. It was reinforced by 
Commodore Hotham, with a division, having a land force of 
5,000 men on board, under the command of General Grant, 
with which an attack was made upon St. Lucie. D'Estaing 
aiTived with the French fleet from Boston to strengthen 
Bouille, He made an attempt to relieve St. Lucie, which 
failed, and that island surrendered to the British. Admiral 
Byron, with the rest of the squadron, soon arrived, giving 
the British a preponderance of force, with which they kept 
D'Estaing blocked for several months at Fort Royal. Both 
sides received further ' reinforcements ; the English by a 
squadron under Commodore Rowley, and the French by one 
under the Count de Grasse. 

In the month of June, Admiral Byron having sailed to 
convoy a fleet of merchant ships, the French commenced 
offensive measures, and captured St. Vincents and Grenada, 
■which, with Dominica, also in the power of the French, 
left the British only Tobago of all their acquisitions in the 



■3T6 HISTORY JF THE 

West Indies by the treaty of 1763. An indecisive action 
between the fleets of the two nations, in the month of July, 
terminated the operations of D'Estaing in that quarter. The 
season of hurricanes was approaching, and the remonstrances 
and applications which he received from the United States, 
induced him to sail northwardly again ; and on the 1st of 
September, he appeared on the coast of Georgia with twenty 
ships of the line. His subsequent operations there are con- 
nected with the Southern campaign in the States, to be 
hereafter narrated. 

In the North the war on both sides had been carried on 
languidly. The dissensions in Congress, the spirit of specu- 
lation which pervaded all classes, in consequence of the 
depreciation of paper and the indisposition to make any 
efforts or sacrifices for the common cause, and the delusive 
reliance upon the arms of France for securing Independence, 
produced such an apath}- in making the necessary prepara- 
tions for action in the field, that, notwithstanding the earn- 
est, repeated entreaties of the Commander-in-chief, no 
recruits were voted until late in January, and the requisi- 
tions upon the States for their several quotas, were not made 
until March. When the army was about to take the fields 
alarming ditficulties sprung up among the officers, running 
into acts ofviolence, which threatened the total dissolution of 
the army. The depreciation of the continental money had 
become so great, that the pay of the officers would not af- 
ford them even the necessaries of life, and in May, the offi- 
cers of the Jersey brigade formally threatened to throw up 
their commissions, unless better provision were made for 
their support. It required all the patient sagacity, firmness, 
and personal popularity of Washington to prevent this catas- 
trophe, and prevail upon the dissatisfied officers to delay 
their resolutions, and bear still longer with the hardships 
and injustice of which they complained with so much rea- 
son. They marched according to orders. The representa- 
tions of Washington brought the subject strongly before the 
State legislature, and measures of relief were ])roposed, 
which had the effect of keeping them in the ser\ice. The 

(disposable American force at this time was about 
sixteen thousand men, that of Sir Henr\- Clinton 
was nearly seventeen thousand. By means of the naval 
force under his control, he could transport them with little 
obstruction to any part of the coast, and mak^ incijrsions at 



J^MERICAN REVOLUTION. 277 

pleasure in any direction without being effeclually opposed. 
The station at West Point, and the passes of the Highlands, 
in which the American stores were deposited, were of such 
primary importance that Washington dared not risk their 
safety by detaching any considerable part of his army for 
the defence of other places. His only enterprise of the kind 
distant from the Highlands, was one under General Sullivan, 
sent against the Indians on the Northern frontier, which suc- 
ceeded in destroying a number of their towns. Clinton 
availed himself of his superiority, and spent the season in 
committing ravages upon the coast and sending out expedi- 
tions to distress and plunder the country, as though it was 
his object to accomplish the threats o^the Commissioners to 
make the Colonies worth as little as possible to their new 
allies. The first, under Commodore Sir George Collier and 
General Matthews, was directed to the Chesapeake. It 
reached Hampton Roads on the 10th of May. Hav- 
ing taken possession of Norfolk, they sent parties 
in various directions, and destroyed public and private pro- 
perty to an enormous amount, at Portsmouth, Norfolk, Suf- 
folk, Gosport, and the neighboring towns and villages. One 
hundred and thirty vessels, and a prodigious quantity of 
naval stores and provisions were destroyed, and three thou- 
sand hogsheads of tobacco burnt in Elizabethtown. Private 
houses were not spared, and in Suffolk hardly a dwelling 
escaped the flames. In about two weeks the rriarauders 
re-embarked and returned to New York. 

A second expedition was planned against the American 
fortresses in the Highlands of the Hudson. General Clinton, 
convoyed by Collier, embarked on this service, in the latter 
part of May, with a large force. King's Ferry is the great 
highway between the Eastern and Southern States. The 
possession of it by the British would compel the Americans 
to make a wide and difficult circuit, and would be an im- 
portant step towards the conquest of West Point. Stoney 
Point overlooks and commands the ferry on the west side, 
and Verplank's Point on the east. Both were fortified. The 
former was evacuated on the approach of Clinton, but his 
movements were so rapid that the garrison on Verplank's 
Point were obliged to surrender themselves prison | • 
ers of •war, after a short and spirited resistance. | " ® *•*• 
Af\er fortifying and garrisoning these forts, Sir Henry re- 
turned to the city. 

" ■■''-■' 2 A -' ' ' 



'% 



■ ..'0 : ■ .. .■■ . - 

HISTORY OF THE 



The British commerce on Long Island Sound was sorely 
harassed by numerous privateers, fitted out in the convenient 
harbors and bays of Connecticut. The supplies intended for 
the New York market were intercepted and captured. These 
enterprises were made the ostensible motive for a predatory 
expedition upon the coasts of Connecticut, which was carried 
on with a spirit of barbarity and rapine disgraceful to the arms 
of any civilized people. Governor Trj'on and General Garth, 

I ^^^^-"^ ~,G00 men, were employed in this service. 

I Garth landed at New Haven on the 5th of July. This 
town was plundered, and an immense amount of property 
destroyed. After perf>etrating every species of violence and 
enormity, except firing the town, in which they were frus- 
trated by their apprehensions of a body of militia collected 
to oppose them, they suddenly re-embarked. Tryon enacted 
the same horrible scenes at East Haven, which he burnt, 
and being pursued by the exasperated militia, retreated to 
^ his ships. Two days afterwards, he landed at 

Fairfield, a flourishing town, in the county of the 
same name, on the coast, between fifty and sixty miles from 
New York. Here, after plundering every house, and de- 
str03-ing all the property within the town he ended b}- 
burning the town, and laying waste every thing he could 
reach for two miles round. Again embarking, pursued b}' 
the militia, he relanded at Norwalk, about ten miles be- 
low, where he burned and plundered the town, and destroyed 
a quantity of shipping, including whaleboats and cruisers. 
He was proceeding thus from place to place, desolating the 
coast, when he was recalled by Clinton. Particular accounts 
were furnished Congress of the devastations committed at 
Norwalk and Fairfield. Besides the vessels destroyed, there 
were burnt at the former place two houses of public worship, 
eighty dwelling houses, sixty-seven barns, twenty-two stores, 
seventeen shops, and four m.lUs : at Fairfield, two houses pf 
public worship, eighty-two dwelling houses, fifby-five barrrs, 
and thirty stores. So far was Governor Tryon from feeling 
compunction at these barbarities, that he boasted of his 
clemency, and maintained that the existence of a sinde 
hou^e on the coast was a monument of the king's' mercy.,. 

The recall of Try on. was hastened by a bold and success- 
ful movement made in the Highlands by the Americans 
against Stoney Point. It had been impossible for Washing- 
ton to divide his arniv for the succor of the dcfencelc.<!s 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. ^S79 

coast Invaded by the British. The safety of West Point 
required all his energy and activit3^ He pushed forward 
his lines nearly to the British, and determined by a brilliant 
enterprise to alarm the enemy and force him to recall his 
troops. Stdney Point and Verplank's Point had been strongly 
fortified and manned by the British. General Wayne, with 
a strong detachment of American infantry, set out on an ex- 
pedition against Stoney Point on the 15th of July. At the same 
time, a force under General Howe proceeded against Ver- 
plank's Point. Wayne arrived before Stoney Point in the even-' 
ing, and after reconnoilerlng the works, divided his men into 
two columns, with directions to assault the fort at opposite 
points, and without firing, to depend entirely upon the bayo- 
net. The charge was made with irresistible ardor. The 
assailants forced their way across a morass, overflowed by' 
the tide, in the face of a tremendous fire of musketry and 
grapeshot, until both columns met in the middle of the fort. 
Wayne received a severe wound in the head in leading on 
his column. The victors took 513 prisoners, fifteen pieces 
of cannon, flags, arms, and a large amount of militar}' stores. 
The Americans lost ninety-eight, killed and wounded. The^ 
enterprise against the opposite point failed. Clinton, hearing' 
of the fall of the fortress, moved up the river V'ith a large 
force, and Washington, unable to spare a sufficient garrison 
for the post, removed the artillery and stores, and having 
demolished the works, evacuated them. Congress passed' 
high encomiums on the gallantly of Wayne and his troo])s 
in storming the fort, and voted him a gold medal in honor 
of the victory. 

Clinton ordered the works to be repaired, and having gar- 
'soned them strongly, returned to New York again. 

About the same time. Major Lee, with a party of Virginia 
iind INIaryland troops, surprised the British garrison at Powles 
Hook, opposite New York, and with the loss only of six or 
seven of his own men, succeeded in capturing one hundred 
and sixty-one of (he enemy. 

These advantages were counterbalanced in part by the 
failure of an attack made by the State of Massachusetts 
against the British post at Penobscot, in Maine. A fort had 
been erected ihere, in June, by Colonel M'Leane, under the 
direction of Sir Henry Clinton, and garrisoned with 650 men. 
The people of Massachusetts, alarmed at this movement, pr^ 
pared an expedition of land and naval force, under C 



280 HISTORY OF THE 

Salstonstall and General Lovel. Thirty-seven vessels, of 
different sizes, appeared before the fort, on the 2olh of July, 
J 28th I ^"^ proceeded to make preparations for assault. 
I On the 28th, a British squadron from New York, 
commanded by Commodore Collier, consisting of a sixty- 
four-gun ship and five frigates, arrived to the relief of the 
garrison. The American flotilla was attacked and dispersed, 
seventeen or eighteen of the armed vessels taken or destroy- 
ed. Most of the sailors and soldiers who escaped, made their 
way back by land, through the woods. 

No other military events worth narrating occurred in the 
Northern or Middle States during the remainder of the year. 
The scene of active operations was in the South, to the 
events in which quarter of the Union, commencing with 
tlie year, the narrative must recur. 

Early in January the British General Prevost was in pos- 
I session of the capital of Georgia, and the whole 
I State offered him no resistance. His next object 
■was to form a connexion with the interior, where great 
numbers were represented to be royalists favorable to the 
British interest, and to invade South Carolina, and capture 
the city of Charleston. An expedition which he planned 
against Port Royal, was repulsed by the Carolinians, under 
Moultrie, the same who distinguished himself by the de- 
fence of the fort in Charleston harbor, against the fleet of 
Admiral Parker, in 1776. Lincoln, with the American troops, 
occupied numerous posts along the north bank of the Savan- 
nah river. 

Colonel Campbell, in order to support and succor the 
royalists, moved up the river, and occupied Augusta. From 
that place he despatched parties to aid the king's friends, 
as the tories styled themselves. A large number of this class 
rose in arms, and putting themselves under the command of 
Colonel Boyd, marched to join the British, committing great 
devastations and cruelties on their way. This roused the 
resentment of their countrymen, and a party of Carolinian 
militia, commanded by Colonel Pickens, collected and at- 
tacked them, just before they reached the British posts. The 
tories were totally routed, and many prisoners taken. Sev- 
enty-six of them were condemned to death as trai- 
tors, under the State law, but five only were 
executed. The British forces soon after evacuated Augusta, 
and retreated down the river to Hudson's Ferry. Lincoln' 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 281 

had stationed General Ashe, with 1,500 Carolina militia and 
a few regulars, opposite to Augusta, on the Carolina side of 
the river, and on the retreat of Campbell from Augusta, 
directed Ashe to cross the river, follow the enemy, and take 
post at Briar's Creek, He did so, but kept such careless watch 
as to allow himself to be surprised and totally routed by an 
inferior force. Colonel Perkins marched against him, and hav- 
ing succeeded in deceiving Lincoln as to his designs, by a cir- 
cuitous march reached the rear of Ashe's position, and killed, 
captured, or dispersed his whole force, 'the regulars, under 
General Elbert, made a gallant but fruidess resistance, but 
the militia were panic-struck, and fled viithout attempting to 
make a stand. Not more than four hundred of these re- 
turned to the camp of Lincoln. The loss in arms and am- 
munition was also great. The disaster cost the American 
army one-fourth of their strength at once, and reduced them 
to inaction. The subjugation of Georgia Avas complete, and 
General Prevost was left uninterrupted in his plans for re- 
establishing the British authority, and collecting the means 
for invading Charleston. 

The continued successes of the British since their landing 
in Georgia, and the entire subjugation of that State, alarmed 
and roused the people of South Carolina. Active exertions 
were made to prepare the means of defence. John Rutledge, 
a distinguished patriot, was chosen governor by almost a 
unanimous vote, and invested with extraordinary powers, 
which he used promptly and vigorously. The militia were 
called out with such success, that by the middle of April 
General Lincoln found himself at the head of 5,000 men. 
The British having withdrawn from the upper posts on the 
south side of the river Savannah, Lincoln left General 
Moultrie with a part of the army to preserve the 
lines of defence, and marching up the north side 
of the river, crossed at Augusta into Georgia. 

Prevost, who was in large force in Savannah, availed him- 
self of this division of the American forces, and, while Lin- 
coln was distant a hundred and fift}' miles, crossed the river, 
near the mouth, into Carolina, and moved against Moultrie. 
The Americans, unable to maintain their position, retired-, 
and were followed by the enemy. A skirmish took place at 
Coosawatchie bridge, in which Colonel Laurens was wound- 
ed, his troops suiTered considerably, and were finally re- 
pulsed. Moultrie conducted his retreat with ability, but 
3A2 



April 23d. 



282 HISTORY OF THE 

under disadvantages from the want of cavalry and the 
numerous desertions which occurred among his troops. 
Anxious for the fate of their private property, instead of 
rallying for the public cause, they went off home, in alarm 
and consternation. Prevost delayed several days on his 
march, receiving encouragement from the tories,-and as- 
siirances of the defenceless state of Charleston. Following 
I the retreating Americans in this dilatory .xanner, 
j he appeared before Charleston on the llth of 

Lincoln, in the interim, continued his route down the 
iSouth side of the river, towards Savannah, believing Prc- 
vost's march to be a feint to divert him from that city. He 
contented himself with despatching three hundred conti- 
nentals to Charleston, who, by a rapid march of fifty miles a 
day for four days, reached that place as soon as Moultrie, 
and before the British crossed the Ashley river. A further 
reinforcement of five hundred men was sent by Governor 
Rutledge, and the Pulaski legion was soon after added. 
Lincoln himself, as soon as he was convinced that the Brit- 
ish intended seriously to attack Charleston, turned to the 
left, rccrossed the river, and marched to the relief of the 
city. 

On the morning of the 12th, Prevost summoned the gar- 
rison to surrender. Their numbers were about 3,300, and 
their chief hope was to hold out until the arrival of Lincoln. 
To gain time therefore was essential, and the whole of that 
da}' and the next was consumed in the exchange of flags 
and negotiating for terms. The garrison oftered to consent 
to a neutrality, leaving the question of the Independence 
of South Carolina to be determined by final treaty between 
Great Britain and the United States, an offer which was re- 
fused by General Prevost. The garrison expected an imme- 
diate assault, instead of which, on the 14th, the British 
abandoned their design, recrossed the Ashley 
river, and encamped on the islands near the sea, 
to avoid being intercepted by Lincoln, who was rapidly 
approaching. The same day Lincoln reached Dorchester. 
The two armies remained in their encampments, watching 
each other's movements, until the middle of June. On the 
20th, a sharp action was fought at Stono Ferry. This pass 
had been fortified, defended with artillery, and garrisoned 
by a force of six hundred men, under Colonel Maitland. 



May 14i;i. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 283 

Lincolii arranged a plan of attack, which failed in part by 
the mlsmanagemenf of one of the divisions and the neglect 
of orders in another. The attacking force was about 1,200, 
which was beaten off, after an obstinate battle, with the loss 
of about three hundred killed. After this action, Prevost 
retired to Savannah, leaving Colonel Maitland, with part of 
the army, at Beaufort, on the Island of Port Royal. Lincoln 
and the continental forces retired to Sheldon, in the vicinity 
of Beaufort. The intense heat of the season prevented any fur- 
ther active operations b}'^ either army for several months, and 
in the interval earnest applications were made to U Enta'mg 
in the West Indies to join his forces with the American for 
the recovery of the ground lost in the South. 

This incursion of the British into Carolina was marked 
by more than customary Avantonness of desolation ; planta- 
tions and private dw^ellings were ravaged and burnt, with no 
other object than mischief and revenge. An immense 
amount of property was plundered and carried away, and not 
less than three thousand slaves were lost to the planters. A 
great proportion of these outrages were committed by the 
tories or American loyalists. 

The arrival of the French fleet with 6,000 troops, on the 
1st of September, renewed the war, under pro- | ^ 
pitious circumstances. The Americans were san- j "'^^ ' 
guine of immediate success. The first events encouraged 
those anticipations. A British fifty gun ship, three frigates, 
and several transports, laden with provisions, were captured. 
Savannah was the immediate object of the joint armaments, 
and the land and sea forces were directed to concentrate at 
that point, to capture the army of Prevost. Lincoln broke 
up his camp and marched down to the south bank of the 
river, and crossed on the 9th. The militia were called out, 
and obeyed with unusual alacrity. D'Estaing landed three 
thousand of his men at Beaulieu, on the 13th, and three days 
afterwards the united army appeared before the ^ 
city. D'Estaing had arrived by sea before the land "'^^ ' 
troops, and summoned the city to surrender. Prevost endea- 
vored successfully to procure delay by protracting negotia- 
tions. A truce was inconsiderately granted, at the termina- 
tion of which he announced his determination to defend 
himself to the last extremity. The interval had been indus- 
triously employed in strengthening his defences. On 
the first intelligence of the arrival of the Frenchj he 



9BA HISTORY OF THE 

had recalled his detachments, and ordered all the British 
troops in Georgia to concentrate in Sa\'^nnah. During the 
time allowed for the truce, Colonel Maitland brought safely 
into the city the division of veteran corps that had been sta- 
tioned under his charge at Beaufort. The combined forces 
then undertook a regular siege of the city, the prepara- 
tions for which occupied several days. The garrison, on 
their side, laboured constantly to strengthen their works. 
On the 4th of October the fire of the besiegers was opened, 
from batteries mounting nearly a hundred pieces, and kept 
up for five days, without producing any sensible eflects upon 
the works of the city. During the bombardment the houses 
of the city sufiered much, and Prevost applied to the Ameri- 
can and French generals, for permission to remove the 
women and children to a safe place on the river, to abide 
the event of the siege. This was refused, on the alleged 
gi'ound that the British intended by the proposal only a 
finesse to withdraw the boot}^ they had gained in Carolina. 
The besiegers insisted upon the necessity of immediate sur- 
render. The refusal is only defensible as an act of mistaken 
policy, — as a breach of courtesy and humanity it cannot be 
sustained. 

The unexpected delay placed the Count D'Estaing in an 
embarrassing predicament. His officers represented the 
season as unfavorable for the continuance of so valuable a 
fleet on the coast, and he had good reason to apprehend an 
attack from the British fleets, which had had time to unite, was 
superior to his own, and would have the advantage of posi- 
tion. Precious time had been lost, and he became convinced 
of the necessity of immediately deciding the siege by a gen- 
eral assault, or by raising it altogether. The alternative was 
proposed to Lincoln, who preferred making the assault, 
which was accordingly attempted on the 9th of October by 
the combined forces. The attacking columns were led by 
D Estaing and Lincoln in person against the right of the 
enemy. They were to be sustained b}^ a division under 
Count Dillon, which lost the way, and failed to co-operate 
in the attack. The defence was conducted with gallantry, 
and the battle was nearly an hour obstinate and bloody. 
The American army was at last driven off with considerable 
loss. The French killed and wounded was 637, the con- 
tinentals, about '240. D' Estaing was wounded slightly and 
Count Pulaski mortally. The British loss was not over 170. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 



2^^ 



Great credit was given to General Prevost, Colonel Maitland, 
and the engineer, Major Moncrief, for their gallant and suc- 
cessful defence of Savannah. 

The repulse from Savannah was immediately followed by 
the separation of the French and American forces, and the 
abandonment of the enterprise. Lincoln retreated 
into South Carolina, and D'Estaing re-embarked 
his troops and sailed for the West Indies. The fleet had the 
misfortune to meet with a storm, which dispersed them 
Part of them, with the Count D'Estaing himself soon afte 
arrived in Europe. 

With this retreat ended the Southern campaign of 1779. 
The results were unfavorable to the American cause. The 
failure before Savannah, and the departure of their French 
allies, without having afforded any decisive aid to the States, 
produced great disappointment and mortification. The 
enemy, however, had been forced to confine himself to the 
coast, and the upper parts of the State were less subject to 
his control than at the commencement of the campaign. 

Sir Henry Clinton, apprehending an attack from the 
French on his position in New York, recalled the troops that 
had been so Ion s inactive in Rhode Island. The I „ , 

o . . I Oct. 37tl). 

evacuation was made with such precipitation, that | 
a quantity of munitions of war, artillery, &c. were left to the 
Americans. By keeping the British flag flying, the republi- 
cans succeeded in decoying several vessels belonging to the 
enemy into the port, and captured them. 

The naval enterprises of the Americans, though not on a 
scale of magnitude, were numerous and successful, in making 
prizes of British merchantmen, and harassing the commerce 
of Britain, even on her own coasts. Paul Jones, an adven- 
turous sailor, in a privateer under the orders of Congress, 
swept the Irish Channel, made several landings, and spread 
alarm among the inhabitants along the Scotch and Irish 
coasts. In September he appeared with a small fleet, fitted 
out from French ports, before the town of Leith. He was 
prevented from burning the shipping in that place, as had 
been his purpose, by adverse winds, until the defences 
were made too strong. Sailing thence, he fell in with a 
British force, Avhen a most daring, obstinate, and bloody 
naval combat ensued. Jones's ship, the Bon Homme Richard, 
of 40 guns, engaged the British ship Serapis, Captain Pear- 
son, of 44 guns, and a hot firing commenced at half past 



^86 HISTORY OF THE 

seven, and continued for an hour, within musket siiol. Th^ 
ships then becoming entangled, Jones ordered them to be 
lashed together, in which situation, with the muzzles of the 
guns touching each other's sides, the fight was maintained 
with incredible fury for two hours. The carnage was horri- 
ble, yet neither thought of yielding; the Serapis was en fire 
not fewer than ten times, and on one occasion both frigates 
were on fire at once, raking each other at the same time 
with terrible effect. The quarter-deck of the Serapis was 
left without a man by the blowing uj) of a hand-grenadq, 
which communicated itself to a quantlt\' of cartridges. One 
of Jones's squadron approached to aid him, and continued for 
a while to fire broadsides, which injured, indiscriminately, 
friends and foes. At half past ten, the Serapis struck h^r 
colors, and was taken possession of by Jones. His own ship 
was so shattered that the crew were compelled to leave her 
and take refuge on board the Serapis. Shortly after?rards 
she went down. The Pallas, another of Jones's squadron, 
had engaged and captured the Countess of Scarborough. 
Paul Jones, with his prizes, arrived safely in Holland. 
The British ambassador. Sir Joseph Yorke, presented a me- 
morial to the States General, demanding the surrender of 
Jones as a pirate. This was refused by them on the ground 
that they desired not to interfere with the question of Ameri- 
can Independence, but they could not refuse the shelter of 
their ports to vessels arriving in distress, as was the case 
with the squadron of Jones. The answer was highly dis- 
pleasing to the British court, and stimulated their enmity 
against the Dutch. 

In the West and Southwest of the States, the British arms 
were unfortunate in 1779. Colonel Clarke of Virginia, early 
in the season, with a small force, penetrated the wilderness 
across the Western frontier, into the heart of the Indian 
country, and captured the British post on the Wabash. He 
thus disconcerted an expedition which had been planned 
against Virginia, and broke up the alliance between the Brit- 
ish and several tribes of Indians. Spain, in the mean time, 
carried on a war on her own account, captured West Florida, 
and expelled the British entirely from the Mississippi. On 
the other hand, they lost Omoci, in which the British found 
plunder to the amount of 640.000 pounds sterling. 

A French squadron, under M. de Lauzun, captured the 



AMERICAN REVOtUtlON. 287 

British poists and factories on the Senegal and Gambia, an^ 
their other settlements on the coast of Africa. 

Against such a formidable-combination of enemies, in all 
quarters, the British nation made prodigious exertions, and 
displayed astonishing resources. Her tieets were manned 
and supplied at a vast expense ; the spirit of her people fur- 
nished means to an unexpected magnitude, and bore up 
against depressions and increased difficulties with a courao-e 
that demands high admiration. Ministers, though the public 
confidence in their system of policy had declined, gathered 
temporary strength from the public necessities, and com- 
manded that support as the head of a nation assailed by 
powerful and inveterate enemies, which would not have 
been given to the line of policy by which they had pro- 
duced so much of the mischief. On the opening of Pai-lia- 
ment, in November, the result of every effort made by the 
. minority, opposed to the war and the administration, indi- 
cated the growth of this disinclination to the wars, and dis- 
trust of the capacity of the ministers, and at the same time 
showed the resolution to supply abundantly, even lavishly, 
all the means for upholding the naval and military forces in 
every quarter. To the customary addresses in reply to the 
king's speech. Lord John Cavendish in the House of Com- 
mons, and the Marquis of Rockingham in the House of 
Lords, moved amendments, proposing no new line of policy, 
but censuring ministers, and asking for their removal from 
office. Both were lost by large majorities. This was followed 
up throughout the country by associations and petitions 
against the war; and the feeling growing stronger, a simul- 
taneous movement was made in behalf of economical re- 
form, in such a manner as to alarm the government and king, 
and nearly succeeded by the powerful efforts of Fox, Burke, 
and Dunning, in Parliament, in procuring a change of min- 
istry. As the session advanced, and the public burdens be- 
came more evident, the national enthusiasm against the 
French and Spanish coalition, was made less available for 
upholding Lord North. On one occasion, on the celebrated 
motion of Dunning that " the influence of the crown had 
increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished," the 
ministry were left in a minority. But they rallied, and be- 
ing aided by the occurrence of the " No Popery" riots under 
Lord George Gordon, which alarmed the wavering, and 
brought over many to the side of the government, were bv 



S»8 HISTORY OF THE 

the end of the session completely re-established in power. 
Parliament did not adjourn till the middle of 1780. Before 
adjournment they voted for the service of the year 1780, 
eighty-jive thousand seamen, including marines, and thirty- 
five thousand troops, exclusive of those already abroad. For 
the service of the year, the House of Commons granted 
21,196,496/. 

In America the public exertions presented a striking and 
melancholy contrast to the energy and resources of Britain. 
The several causes of distress and embarrassment, so fre- 
quently alluded to, were at a fearful height towards the 
close of 1779 and the beginning of 1780. No effectual mea- 
sures were taken to establish a permanent army. The officers 
generally remained, but the privates were to be annually 
recruited. The inefficiency of Congress, and the delaj's of 
the States, invariably left the Commander-in-chief without 
a respectable force at the opening of the campaign, and then 
sent him, at different periods, raw and undisciplined troops.' 
The commissariat department fell into total discredit from 
the injudicious regulations of ('oiigress, the annihilation of 
the public credit, and the manifold evils of the currency. 
No magazmes of supplies could be provided for winter, and 
scarcely current provisions for the active season. The ab- 
surd measures for regulating prices by law were continued, 
and urged by Congress on the States witli renewed perti- 
nacity, after their bad effects were demonstrated by expe- 
rience; and, it is painful to add, that large numbers of men 
of influence, including members of Congress, disgraced 
themselves by employing these for purposes of speculation 
and private gain. The national treasury was empty. The 
requisitions for money upon the States were complied with 
so slowly and scantily, as to be of little avail. Two hundred 
millions of paper money were in circulation, and no means 
provided for redemption, and no prospect for the future. 
Congress, in the middle of the year, had pledged the faith 
of the nation, in the most solemn manner, not to exceed this 
sum. A stratagem of the British government enhanced the 
confusion of this currency. Vast quantities of forged paper, 
closely imitating the genuine, were sent from England, and 
scattered throughout the country. This mean device aggra- 
vated the popular distrust, in the States, of the paper bills, 
and reduced their value still further. The aggregate of bills 
vsued was, on the 1st of January, 1780, a little more than 



AMERICAN REVOLtJTION. 289 

S03,000,000 of dollars. This prodigious amount had been 
thrown into circulation in about four years and a half, the 
date of the first emission being May, 1775. The amount 
issued in these years were thus: in 1776, $20,064,464; 
in 1777, $26,426,333; in 1778, $66,965,269: and in 1779, 
$149,703,856. These estimates are furnished by the register 
of the treasu'" 1790. The bills passed at their nominal value 
until the iss, eeded nine millions. The depreciation 

was afterwards .ery great, and increased with the quantity 
put forth. In January, 1777, they were at a Siscount in 
Philadelphia of about twenty per cent. ; before the close of 
the year, they were down to seventy-five per cent. discount- 
In December, 1778, they were worth about one-sixth of 
their nominal value. The fall throughout the year 1779, 
induced by the desperate state of the public finances, the 
immense issues, and the rage for speculation, was rapid and 
enormous. Paper dollars in January were to specie as about 
eight to one; in the summer, they fluctuated between 
eighteen and twenty-four for one; and in December, they 
had fallen to more than forty for one. These rates are the 
Philadelphia prices; in other parts of the country, the value 
was different, and in general lower. 

A detailed history of continental money in all its vascilla- 
tions and mischievcms influences upon the morals, character, 
and fate of the revolution, would be a work fit for the study 
of the philosopher, and abounding with lessons of wisdom to 
nations. The mere money cost of the revolution was en- 
hanced prodigiously by the wastefulness and expensive- 
ness of those financial trickeries; and the whole was ex- 
torted, not from the nation, but by a sort of forced loans 
from individuals, and those, too, the patriots, for the tories 
shunned it from the beginning, except as an object of 
speculation. Every man in whose hands these bills depre- 
ciated, was in effect taxed so much for the war expenses, 
against his will and without law. The acts of compulsion, 
passed by Congress and the States, made this i.r.justice more 
flagrant, and did not diminish, but the rather aggravated, 
the mischief. The ruin of credit, the suspension of all faith 
in business contracts, the discouragement to industry, the 
impoverishment of the innocent, and the robbing of labor 
of its earnings, did more to exhaust the available resources 
of the country than even the ravages of the enemy. The 
feverish excitements, the aversion to business, the spirit of 
2B 



290 HISTORY OF THE 

gambling and speculation, with all their train of demoral- 
izing consequences, which sprung out of such an unnatural 
condition, were even more fatal in their effects. At this 
period of the war the States and the people, Congress and 
the army, every branch of public service, and the condition 
of the mass of the people, show how terribly they suifered un- 
der the distresses of the public finances and ruinous state of 
the currency, and the miserable legislation of Congress. 
The soldiers were paid in this worthless money, Avhich 
would n9t*produce them the necessaries of life, except at 
exorbitant rates. Three months pay would not purchase a 
pair of shoes. Their wants were, in consequence, extreme 
during the whole of this winter. Before the month of 
January expired, the soldiers, which had been encamped at 
Morristown and at West Point, were totally destitute of 
food. The stores were exhausted, and neither meat nor 
flour could be distributed for some days. They were driven 
by hunger to plunder the neighboring inhabitants, and 
the Commander-in-chief was compelled to make a military 
requisition upon Nevf Jersey, apportioning to each county a 
certain quantit}- of provisions, to be furnished within six 
days. To the honor of the patriotic people of JVevv Jersey, 
it is to bo recorded, that the full quantity was promptly and 
seasonably furnished. * 

Notwithstanding the solemn pledge of Congress not to 
extend their issues of paper beyond iwo hutidred millions of 
dollars, the increased wants of the army, and the failures of 
the States to comply with the requisitions made upon them, 
increased the amount, by the 1st of March, 1780, to more 
than three hundred millions. The expectation previously 
held out that the bills would be redeemed at their nominal 
amount was formally abandoned, and the States were re- 
quired to bring them in for redemption at fort}i for one. 
Before this expedient was resorted to. Congress called upon 
the States to supply specific articles of provision and forago, 
but that scheme was found impracticable. The commutation 
experiment was then tried, and the old emission of bills was 
made receivable for taxes, at forty for one ; and to be re- 
issued, to the extent of one-twentieth of their previous 
amount, under the guarantee of the individual States. Four- 
lenths of these were made subject to the orders of Congress, 
ind six-tenths to that of the States. This financial experi- 
ment failed. The States did not comply with Abe .conjiitions. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 291 

and but a small amount of paper was brought in. The new 
issues altogether amounted to little more than two millions. 

The next resort was to press for loans from their European 
allies, and in some cases, late in the year, so urgent were 
their necessities, they drew bills upon their ministers in 
Europe with no assurance of payment. 

The history of continental money after this period is short, 
and may be summarily despatched here. The issues con- 
tinued through 1780, though in diminished quantities, be- 
cause worthless, until they amounted finally, in th» beginning 
of 1781, to $357,476,545 of the old emission, and $2,070,485 
of the new. The depreciation went on, until in May, 1781, 
they were sold at two hundred to five hundred for one. On 
the -Blst of Ma}', they ceased to circulate as money, and 
were bought up on speculation from five hundred for one, 
up to one thousand to fifteen hundred for one. So died the 
continental paper, quietly in the hands of the possessors. 

Under such unfavorable internal auspices opened I 
the year 1780. The hardships of the Northern | 
army in their quarters at Morristown and West Point, were 
hardly less severe than those of the season at Valley Forge. 
The winter was one of extraordinary rigor. The frosts were 
so excessive, that New York bay and the rivers were frozen 
so hard that large armies, with the heaviest artillery, might 
have passed over safel3^ The city was, in consequence, 
assailable; but the deficiency of the American army in the 
requisite numbers, as well as in all things necessary for suc- 
cess, rendered it impossible for Washington to profit by the 
opportunity. The military establishment voted by Congress 
was 3o,*2]l men, but few of them were in the field. 
Through the spring the efforts of the Commander-in-chief, 
his continued representations and pressing entreaties to 
Congress, and his appeals to the executives of the several 
states to act with energy, and prepare a proper force for ac- 
tive service, produced but tardy effects. In the beginning 
of April, the dissatisfaction of the army assumed a more 
alarming aspect, and threatened a mutin)^ On one occa- 
sion the officers of some of the state lines, in a body, joined 
in giving notice, that on a certain day, they would resign 
their commissions, unless proper provision was made for 
them. They were by the personal exertions, prudence, and 
firmness of Washington, induced to forego their determina- 
fion and continue in the service. In May two Connecticut 



292 HISTORY OP THE 

regiments paraded under arms, announcing their determina- 
tion to obtain subsistence by force. The mutiny was quelled 
by the activity of the otficers, and the ringleaders secured. 
All that Congress could do for relief, was to renew their 
resolutions, promising compensation for all past services, 
and engaging to make good the losses caused by the depre- 
ciation of continental money. 

Operations in the field were suspended in the North 
during this season, in consequence of the transfer of the 
scene of attion to the Carolinas. Sir Henry Clinton had 
sailed with the bulk of his army to the South, and left Gen- 
eral Knyphausen, with a strong garrison, to maintain the 
posts in New York. The rumours of disaffection among 
the Americans induced General Knyphausen to believe 
I them rit)e for a revolt, and he accordingly moved 

June otli I • . o •/ 

I over into New Jersey, with five thousand men, on 
the 6th of June. After advancing to Springfield, he found 
himself disappointed in his expectations ; and if, as is 
thought, he designed attacking the camp of Washington, he 
nevertheless gave up the enterprise precipitately. The mili- 
tia turned out in considerable numbers, and contested the 
way with the royal forces with obstinacy and courage. Af- 
ter committing characteristic enormities, burning houses, 
ravaging private properly, and slaughtering the defenceless, 
the army retired to Elizabethtowii, in New Jersey, opposite 
to Staten Island, where they remained until the return of 
Clinton from his successful Southern campaign. On his arrival 
no expedition of importance followed. Another incursion was 
made into New Jersey, in which Springfield was burnt. 

In May the Marquis La Fayette returned from France, 
the bearer of the welcome tidings that a French fleet and 
army was about to follow him. His presence, and the 
cheering intelligence he brought, reanimated the feelings 
of the people, and stimulated Congress and the American 
general to fresh exertions, to be prepared to co-operate 
vigorously with their allies. Congress had pledged them- 
selves to the French minister to bring a large force into the 
field, and the animating prospect of efficient succor, seconded 
by the reviving zeal of the people, encouraged the Com- 
mander-in-chief to believe that the pledge might be fulfilled. 
The disasters of the Southern campaign seemed not to have 
depressed the hopes of the Americans ; and notwithstanding 
the fall of Charleston, and the subjugation of the Carolinas 



AMEBICAir REVOLUTION. 



^m 



they took the arrival of the French fleet as a certain omen 
of victory. Contributions and subscriptions for the common 
cause were freely made, and the ladies of Philadelphia, 
associated themselves for the purpose of ministering to the 
necessities of the army, and, after subscribing with gen- 
erous profusion from their own means, personally solicited 
the aid of others with much success. 

On the tenth of July the French succors arrived I , ,. „ 
at Newport, Rhode Island. The fleet, under the j " ^ 
command of the Chevalier de Ternay, consisted of two ships 
of eighty guns, one of seventy-four, four of sixty-four, two 
frigates of forty, and a cutter of twenty, with bombs, and a 
large number of transports. The land forces were com- 
manded by the Count de Rochambeau, and amounted to 
6,000 men. The public congratulations to the foreign offi- 
cers were warm ; the town was illuminated on the occasion, 
and every demonstration of joy and welcome paid them by 
the American functionaries, civil and military. Washington 
took immediate measures for forming a joint plan of opera- 
tions, the object of which was New York. 

But before recounting the further events in the North, it 
will be proper to revert to the more active scene of military 
operations in the South. The order of time has not been 
strictly observed, in order to enable us to throw together in 
a connected series the history of the campaign in the South- 
ern States. 

Sir Henry Clinton, with 7,000 troops, convoyed I 
by Admiral Arbuthnot, who had been sent out j 
with a considerable fleet to America, in the summer of 
1779, sailed from New York in December, and arrived, 
after a tedious and tempestuous passage, in the Tybee 
river, about the middle of January. The success of Gen- 
eral Prevost in Georgia, and the general opinion enter- 
tained of the loyalty of a large portion of the Carolinians, 
induced him to believe the re-establishment of the royal 
authority would be less difficult in these provinces than it 
had been proved to be in the Northern and Middle States. 
Collecting his forces at Savannah, Clinton sailed on the 
lOth of February for Charleston, the first object of his expe- 
elition. He ordered twelve hundred of the troops of General 
Prevost, at Savannah, to follow him by land, and despatched 
orders to Knyphausen, at New York, to forward him supt 
plies and reinforcements. 



^QlN HISTORY OF THE 

He took possession of John and James Islands and Stono 
JFerry, and in a short time was within a few miles of Charles- 
ton, with only the waters of the Ashley river between him 
and the city. Having received his reinforcements, his army 
amounted to 9,000 men, and on the 1st of April he com- 
menced the siege in regular form. 

Lincoln, with the remnants of the American army of 
1779, had wintered at Sheldon. On the approach of Chn- 
ton's army, he retired into the city, and undertook its de- 
fence. The legislature was in session, and again, as in a 
previous emergency, invested Governor Rutledge with dic- 
tatorial powers; authorizing him " to do every thing neces- 
sary for the public good," except taking away the life of a 
citizen without legal trial. Armed with this authority, he 
made energetic calls upon the militia, but with little success. 
Notwithstanding the capital was in such imminent danger, 
scarcely two hundred obeyed the call. He next issued a 
proclamation, requiring evejy enrolled inhabitant of the 
town to repair to the garrison to do military duty, under a 
penalty of having his property confiscated. This had no 
better effect than solicitation. With all the exertions of 
Lincoln and Rutledge, the whole strength of the town, when 
Clinton crossed the Ashley, was less than three thousand , 
of whom, a thousand were North Carolina militia, and the 
rest continental regulars. Lincoln was indefatigable in 
strengthening the works. Several armed vessels that had 
been sent by Congress to aid them, under the command of 
Commodore Whipple, findmg the passage of the bar inde- 
fensible, took their position at Fort Moultrie, but finally 
retired up the river, and the sailors were landed to aid in 
working the land batteries. The ships were sunk to obstruct 
the navigation. The lines were extended, and every possi- 
ble preparation made for a vigorous and determined, though 
not a hopeful, resistance. The British Admiral, taking ad- 
vantage of a favorable wind and tide, passed Fort Moultrie 
without receiving much damage from the fire, and anchored 
within the harbor, in the month of April. The next day. 
Sir Henry Clinton, having completed the first parallel, in 
his regular approaches to the city, summoned the garrison 
to surrender. Lee, who yet anticipated relief, answered 
resolutely, that it was his intention to defend himself to the 
last. The British batteries were accordingly opened upon 
ihe city, and a continued bombardment was kept up. under 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 295 

cover of which the works were pushed forward. The com- 
munication with the country, by which troops and succor 
might reach them, or as would perhaps have been the safer 
policy, through which a retreat could have been made, was 
still pi-acticable by the Cooper river. At a place called 
Monk's Corner, a small corps of Americans, under General 
Huger, had collected, and promised to form a rallying point 
for the militia, to keep the British in check, and possibly 
succor the city. Clinton despatched a detachment of four- 
teen hundred men, commanded by Webster, Tarleton, and 
Fergusson, the last two celebrated partizan officers, against 
the position. Their superiority in number, aided by the neg- 
ligence of the Americans, enabled them to put the whole 
party to flight, and capture a large store of arms, clothing, 
and ammunition. Fort Moultrie surrendered on the 7th of 
May; and thus the city was beleagured on every side, and 
no avenue of escape left open. The British on the 8th of 
May completed the third parallel, which brought them to 
the very edge of the city, and made an immediate assault by 
storm inevitable. He again summoned the garrison to sur- 
render ; Lincoln accepted the conditions offered his troops, 
but, at the entreaty of the citizens, desired to make better 
terms for non-combatants and the militia. These were re- 
fused by CHnton, and hostiUties were carried on with such 
an incessant firing from the British batteries, that, on the 
eleventh, the citizens themselves petitioned Lincoln to ac- 
cept of the terms offered on the eighth, and the British gen- 
eral acquiescing, the capitulation was immediately signed. 
The next day the enemy took possession. The 
terms granted were favorable. The British com- 
manders had strong expectations of reconciling the province 
to their royal master, and did not exercise their strength 
harshly. The American loss during the siege was 102 killed 
and 157 wounded; that of the enemy, 70 killed and 189 
wounded. The number of prisoners, including adult citizens 
and militia, was about 5,000, but the regular force did not 
exceed 2,500. The proportion of officers was unusually 
large — men who came to the defence of the city, without 
being able to bring their troops w'ith them. There were 
included in the capitulation, one major-general, six briga- 
diers, twenty -three colonels and lieutenant-colonels, and one 
hundred and sixty-eight captains and lieutenants, besides 
ensigns. No less than four hundred pieces of artillery, of 



296 HISTORY OP THE 

which three hundred and eleven were in the city, fell into 
the hands of the British. 

Clinton followed up the reduction of the capital by send- 
ing out expeditions against the American posts in the interior, 
to secure the submission of the whole State. Ninety-Six and 
Augusta were the objects of two of them ; the third, a large 
force, under Cornwallis, was destined to scour the country, 
between the Cooper and the Santee rivers, rouse the loyal- 
ists, and intercept the retreat of the American militia, who 
had marched from North Carolina towards Charleston, but 
failed to reach there before the surrender. These were 
commanded by Colonel Buford. On the intelligence of the 
fall of Charleston, they retreated by forced marches towards 
North Carolina, with a rapidity which made it apparently 
impossible to overtake them. Colonel Tarleton was detached 
by Cornwallis, with a strong corps of cavalry and mounted 
infantry in pursuit. By pushing on with unexampled 
celerity, Tarleton overtook the Americans at Waxsaw, and 
after a short encounter, routed the party, and cap- 
'^^ "" tured their artillery, baggage, colors, indeed every 
thing. The carnage was terrible. The Americans, inferior 
in number, made but a feeble and brief resistance, and cried 
for quarter. This was refused, and the infuriated enemy 
continued to cut down and massacre without mercy, until 
tired with slaughter. One hundred and eight were killed, 
one hundred and fifty wounded, and fifty-three prisoners ; 
the loss of the victors were only seven killed and twelve 
wounded. •' Tarleton's quarter" became afterwards a by- 
word, to express deliberate cruelty. The other detachment, 
on hearing of the slaughter at Waxsaw, retired into North 
Carolina, and Tarleton rejoined Cornwallis, who had ad 
vanced to Camden. 

South Carolina was now fully in the power of the British 
The capital and principal posts were garrisoned with Britisl, 
soldiers, and no American force remained within her bor 
ders. Clinton, thinking the subjugation complete, and trust- 
ing to the promises of the loyalists, who were really numer- 
c ".s, and the professions of the greater multitudes, who, 
through dissimulation or fear, professed acquiescence in the 
ki.ig's government and a return to allegiance, wrote home 
that South Carolina was English again, and that there were 
few of the inhabitants who were not prisoners to, or in arm 
with, the British forces. He prepared to return to New 



May 22d. 



AMERICAN REVOLUtiON. 297 

York as a victor: but before his departure proceeded to re- 
organize the civil government on the basis of a recovered 
British colony. Shortly after the surrender of Charleston, 
he issued a proclamation, threatening severe penal- 
ties and the confiscation of their estates, against all 
who should obstruct the re-establishment of the king's 
authority, or " hinder the king's faithful subjects from join- 
ing his forces, or performing those duties their allegiance 
required." Another proclamation, by Clinton and 
Arbuthnot, as Commissioners of Peace, extended 
to the inhabitants, with few exceptions, " pardon for their 
past treasonable offences," and a restoration to their rights 
and immunities as British subjects, " exempt from taxation, 
except by their own legislatures." The silent acquiescence 
of the mass of the people in these proceedings, an acquies- 
cence which flowed from a dread of the further calamities 
of war, and the hopelessness of making any effectual resist- 
ance against so powerful an enemy, was assumed by the 
British general as conclusive proof of the extinction of the 
revolutionary feeling, and the willingness of the people to 
resume the character of British subjects. Acting under this 
impression as to the majority, and with a wanton disregard 
of the feelings of the few who were yet openly faithful to 
Congress, he proceeded to demand of the people the services 
of British subjects. He issued a proclamation, declaiiag it 
to be " proper for all persons to take an active part in set- 
tling and securing his majesty's government;" discharging 
all those citizens who had given their parole as prisoners, re- 
quiring of them all the " duties" of citizens, and affirming 
that such of them as refused to return to their allegiance, 
should be considered and treated as " enemies and rebels." 
That no further doubt of his course might remain, he re- 
quired all persons to be in readiness to bear arms for the 
king — those who had families for a home miUtia, those M'ho 
had none to serve with the royal militia, for six months out 
of twelve. It was granted as a favor that they should not be 
called on to serve out of the two Carolinas and Georgia. 
These arbitrary proclamations left the inhabitants no re- 
source, but to arm in behalf of Great Britain, or flee from 
the State. To obstruct even this choice of evils, it was soon 
after forbidden to make any transfer of property, but with 
the license of the Commander-in-chief. 

In the beginning of June, Clinton left the command of 



^6 HISTORY OP THE 

the Souihern forces to Earl Cornwallis, then at Camden, and 
returned with a large body of troops to New York, where he 
joined General Knyphausen, as already mentioned. But his 
harsh policy had left a very different state of feeling from 
that upon which he had calculated so strongly. The multi- 
tude were exasperated, and ready to fly to arms at the first 
prospect of relief. In a little while it became evident that 
the forced quiet of the Carolinians was full of danger to the 
British troops. Feigned submission was hardly less fatal, 
because it disarmed vigilance, than open opposition. The 
more determined whigs gathered together, in corps, carry- 
ing on an indefatigable warfare against tories and enemies. 
Generals Sumpter and Marion distinguished themselves by 
their enterprise and gallantry in carrying on these partizan 
expeditions. The tories retaliated where they could; and, 
especially in North Carolina, exhibited impatient zeal to 
join the enemy. Collisions between republicans and loyal- 
ists — one party struggling to aid the British in keeping the 
country under subjection, and the other struggling to harass 
the traitors and retard the operations of the enemy — made 
the frontiers a scene of perpetual alarm, and kept the country 
in a state of restless and feverish excitement. 

In July, Sumpter, who was in North Carolina, at the head 
of a small corps of exiled South Carolinians, made a dashing 
attack upon a detachment of the royal forces, near the fron- 
tier, and routed them, with heavy loss. His numbers were 
rapidly increased by volunteers ; and, a few days afterwards, 
he made another attack upon the British, entrenched at 
Rocky Mount, but, for the want of ammunition, was unable 
to make any impression. Foiled here, he turned rapidly 
against a detachment composed of the Prince of Wales 
regiment, and a large body of tories from North Carolina, 
and scattered them with prodigious loss. Nine only, out of 
two hundred and seventy-eight of the regulars, survived, 
and the tories were dispersed. These gallant and successful 
enterprises raised the spirits of the whigs, and like parties, 
under independent leaders, started up in other parts of the 
State, keeping the field to harass the ro3'al militia and regu- 
lars wherever thc}^ could, and when retreating before supe- 
rior force they easily eluded pursuit. These actions served 
to reanimate the spirits of the native Carolinians, while, in 
the mean time, a continental force was advancing to relieve 
them, through the Middle States. * 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 399 

With much difficulty Congress had been enabled to fur- 
nish, late in the season, a body of regular force to operate in 
the South. They consisted of the Marj'land and Delaware 
lines, about two thousand in number. They landed in Pe- 
tersburgh in April, and marched to Hillsborough, North 
Carolina, under the command of Major-general the Baron 
de Kalb. The militia of North Carolina, commanded by 
General Caswell, and those of Virginia, by General Stephens, 
prepared to join him. The animation which the presence 
of these troops inspired, augured well of the success of the 
campaign ; and the appointment of General Gates to the 
chief command strengthened this confidence. Great results 
were anticipated from the tried valor and skill of the hero 
of Saratoga. The strength of the army, when he I , 
joined it at Deep Run, was more than three thousand I 
men. Advancing into South Carolina, he issued a procla- 
mation, inviting the inhabitants to take up arms, and promis- 
ing pardon to all who had been coerced into taking the 
British oaths, except such as had committed depredations 
against the lives and property of citizens. The proclamation 
brought multitudes to his standard. In more than one in- 
stance, whole companies that had been levied in the province 
for the king's service, Avent over to Gates, carrying their 
arms, and sometimes their officers with them. Lord Rav.'don, 
who was then in command at Camden, on receiving tidings 
of the approach of Gates, drew in his posts, and concen- 
trated his force at that place. Cornwallis himself hastened 
from Charleston, and arrived at Camden on the fourteenth 
of August. 

Gates had, however, committed a capital error, as the 
event showed, in his choice of routes from Hillsborough to 
the vicinity of Camden. The council of war had advised 
De Kalb to make a detour through the well cultivated set- 
tlements of the Waxhaws; but Gates, on taking command, 
decided on pursuing the direct route, considering it to be 
his policy, while his numbers were superior, to reach the 
British position by the shortest road. This unfortunately led 
through pme barrens, sand hills, and swamps; and, during 
the march, provisions failed. The troops were reduced to 
feed on the lean cattle they could pick up in the woods, 
and for some days had no other food than green corn and 
peaches. From the unhealthiness of the season and climate, 
added to this meager and unwholesome diet, violent diseases 



300 HISTORY OF THe 

broke out among them, threatening the total destruction 
or dispersion of the army. The symptoms of insubordination 
that at first appeared, were easil}' quelled by the prudence 
of the officers; and the sufferings of the soldiers were borne 
with great patience and good humor. On the 13th of August 
they reached Clermont, about twelve miles from Camden, 
in a state of extreme exhaustion. The next day they were 
strengthened by General Stephens's Virginia brigade. 

Intelligence having been received from Sumpter, who 
was encamped beyond the Wateree river, that a convoy of 
provisions was on the way from Ninety-Six to Camden, 
Gates sent Colonel Woodford, with four hundred men of the 
Maryland line to aid in surprising it. Thus weakened, his 
troops were about 3,660; of whom 970, infantry'and cavaliy, 
were continentals, the rest militia. Cornwallis had but 
seventeen hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry. On 
I the night of the 15th, Cornwallis put his army in 

^' ' I motion, to attack the Americans in their camp, and 
Gates was advancing to take up a position nearer to Cam- 
den. The vanguards of both armies met in the night and 
engaged. The skirmish dispirited the Americans, who were 
repulsed, and their line thrown into disorder for a while. 
Some cross firing took place during the night, and in the 
morning a general engagement commenced between the two 
armies. The fate of the battle was in effect decided at the 
first onset. The Virginia and Carolina militia, who formed 
the left wing, on being ordered to advance to support the 
artillery, wavered. The British, seeing their hesitation, 
charged them with fixed bayonets, upon which, panic 
struck, they threw down their arms and fled from the field. 
No efforts could rally them, and the whole force of the 
enem}'' was turned against the Maryland and Delaware 
regiments, who formed the right. These sustained the fight 
gallantly. Colonel Howard, with his regiment, who were 
in the van, several times drove in the enemy, who were 
then commanded by Lord Rawdon. For some time they had 
clearly the best of the action, and, had the left behaved well, 
must have gained a victory. They were at last charged in 
the flank by Tarleton's cavalry, surrounded, overpowere'd, 
and driven from the field in complete route. They were 
pursued for upwards of twenty miles. The loss was terrible 
in every respect. All the American artillery, field pieces, 
ammunition wagons, and much of the baggage, was lost. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 30^ 

The killed, wouoded, and captured, were not less than two 
thousand. General De Kalb was mortally wounded; General 
Rutherford was wounded and taken prisoner; and so total 
was the defeat, that few officers who escaped could find 
their respective commands. The British reported their loss 
at three hundred and twenty-four. 

Sumpter, who had succeeded in his expedition against 
the convoy, on hearing of the defeat of Gates, retreated, as, 
he thought, to a safe distance. On the eighteenth, 
he was overtaken by Tarleton's cavalry, at Fishing ^" 
Creek, surprised, aad his troops routed with great slaughter. 
One hundred and fift3^of his men were killed, three hundred 
taken prisoners, and his baggage and artillery captured. He, 
with about three hundred and fifty men, were fortunate 
enough to escape by dispersing themselves. 

Gates, with the shattered remnants of his army, arrived at 
Charlotte, eighty miles from Camden, on the nineteenth ; 
and hearing of Sampler's defeat retired further to Salisbury ; 
and again, after a kw days, to Hillsborough, a hundred and 
eighty miles from the field of action. 

Cornwallis did not pursue the fugitive Americans, after 
withdrawing his troops from the action at Camden. The 
complete dispersion of the continental army, left the country 
totally in his power, and he proceeded to use his triumph 
rigorously. His first care was to inflict vengeance upon all 
those who had taken arms against the king, after receiving 
protections. Orders were given to hang every militiaman, 
who, having been enrolled under the king's proclamation, 
had joined the Americans, and a number were actually 
executed. He appointed commissioners to confiscate their 
estates. Some of the most respectable inhabitants were 
confined in prison-ships, or sent away from their families to 
St. Augustine. Having enforced these rigorous measures. 
to break the spirit of the people, and received supplies and 
reinforcements from Charleston, on the 16th of September, 
he set out towards North Carolina. Marion kept the field 
with his corps, occasionally making rapid excursions against 
^e tories or straggling parties of the British, and suddenly 
retiring into the mountains. Sumpter, soon after, gathered 
^his forces together, and resumed the like enterprises in the 
eastern part of the State. They did most valuable service to 
the American cause, especially in keeping the torie^. in 
check. 

2C 



Oct. 7tli 

killed or 



WUf HISTORY 07 THE 

Proceeding with caution, for the panic created by the de 
feat of Gates had now worn off, and the people were alert to 
harass and obstruct his march, Cornwaliis arrived at Charlotte 
about the last of September, where he prepared to establish 
a post. Colonels Tarleton and Fergusson, two eminent par- 
ti zan officers, were sent out to scour the country on each 
side. Fergusson, the first in point of time, marked his path 
with traces of such cruelty and devastation, as to kindle a 
furious resentment, which brought on his ruin. Having 
penetrated towards Georgia, to co-operate with some royalist 
troops there, the militia collected to intercept his return, and 
arming themselves with such weapons as they could find, 
attacked him in the post which he had taken on King's 

Mountain. The fight was bloody and obstinate. 

Fergusson was slain, and three hundred of his men 
wounded. His second in command surrendered 
the survivors prisoners. Eight hundred prisoners were 
taken, and amongst the spoil were fifteen hundred stand of 
arms. The American loss was about twenty- Cornwaliis, 
who was leisurely marching towards Salisbury, on hearing 
of Fergusson's fate, commenced a retreat, and, late in Octo- 
ber, established himself at Winnsborough. Tarleton under- 
took to cut off Sumpter's troop, which was encamped at 
Blackstock Hill, but was repulsed in his attack. Sumpter 
was, however, obliged to retreat, not being strong enough to 
encounter the reinforcements expected by Tarleton. 

These successful actions roused the hopes of the Ameri- 
cans. The army had been materially strengthened at Hills- 
borough by the arrival of succors from Virginia, by Morgan's 
celebrated rifle corps, and the cavalry under Colonels Wash- 
ington and White. On the 8th of September they advanced 
to Salisbury, where intelligence was received of the removal 
of General Gates, and the substitution of General Greene in 
the command of the Southern army. Gates, with admirable 

philosophy, redoubled his efforts to improve the 

discipline and condition of the army, and on the 
arrival of Greene, in December, received him with cordiality 
and friendship. « 

The American army established itself for the remainder 
of the year at Charlotte Greene, unable to cope with the 
superior force of Cornwaliis in the field, determined upon 
recruiting his arlriy, and, avoiding a general action, to harass 

) I 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 303 

and reduce nis enemy by partizan warfare, with the assist- 
ance of the volunteer bands which abounded in the States. 

Soon after Cornwallis had posted himself at Winnsborough 
he received a reinforcement from New York, under the 
command of General Leslie, amounting to fifteen hundred 
men. Leslie had been sent with a larger force to ravage the 
Virginia coasts, and had accordingly landed there for that 
purpose. On the defeat of Fergusson he was summoned tojoin 
Cornwallis, and immediately proceeded to Charleston. Leav- 
ing a portion of his force there, he marched the bulk of his 
detachment to Winnsborough. 

No further military actions took place in the South until the 
beginning of the year 1781, that require notice. Atthattimein 
Virginia, a British force committed wide and wanton ravages, 
under the command of Benedict Arnold ; the same who, at 
the commencement of the year, was a General in the Amer- 
ican army, land of whom such frequent mention has been 
made as one of the earliest to take up arms for liberty, and 
one of the ablest and most gallant soldiers in her cause. The 
motives of this extraordinary change, and the circumstances 
of perfidy and ingratitude under which it was made, belong 
to the history of the military events in the North, contempo-i 
raneous with the Southern campaigns we have been de-- 
scribing. 

The leading object of Washington, in all his plans of ac- 
tion, was the possession of New York. In the absence of Sir 
Henry Clinton, with so large a part of the British army, it was 
his intention that the expected French fleet should blockade 
<he harbor, while the land forces should attack Knyphausen, 
in the city. The force which Clinton brought with him from 
South Carolina, augmented the garrison to at least eleven 
thousand fine troops, and rendered that part of the plan, in 
the condition of the American army, almosthopeless. Admiral 
Arbuthnot had returned with Sir Henry, and, not long after, 
Admiral Graves arrived from England, with six sail of the line. 
These gave the English a decided superiority by sea, so that 
the plans of Washington were frustrated in both respects. 
The British undertook to avail themselves of this superiority, 
and projected an attack by land and sea on the French fleet 
and army at Newport. The fleet, under Admiral Graves, 
sailed for Rhode Island, and six thousand of the best troops,-, 
under Clinton in person, were landed at Huntington Bay. » 
The French were found to be strongly entrenched, and b;y 



HISTORY OF THE 

sea they were unassailable. The militia turned out with 
alacrity, and in great numbers, to defend Ihem ; and dissen- 
sions broke out between the two hostile commanders, Clin- 
ton and Graves. The enterprise was accordingly abandoned, 
and Sir Henry hastened back to New York, alarmed at 
the intelligence that Washington had seized the opportunity 
of his absence, crossed the river, and marched down to- 
wards King's Bridge, making demonstrations against the 
city. Washington retired when Clinton returned, and re- 
crossing into New Jersey, took up a position at Orange- 
town and fortified Dobbs' Ferry. Just at this juncture, the 
commissary department failed altogether to furnish supplies, 
and the commander was compelled to open his magazines 
at West Point, and order out parties to forage on the suffer- 
ing inhabitants. This, when the army was on the eve of 
moving actively against the enemy and looking for the co- 
operation of the second French armament, was peculiarly 
trying to the Commander-in-chief. Tidings soon after ar- 
rived that the additional French succors designed for America 
were blockaded in the harbor of Brest by a British squadron, 
and Avould not arrive until the next season. In the midst of 
these successive disappointments and disasters, the discovery 
was made that treason was busy in the camp, and that one 
of the bravest and dldest officers in the armies of Liberty had 
sold himself and his country for gold to the enemy. Wash- 
ington was at Hartford, Connecticut, arranging a system of 
I combined action with the French commanders, 
e\>-~>- I ^^.j^gj^ Arnold Avas detected in a correspondence 
with the British, in which he had contracted to make his trea- 
son profitable by delivering West Point into the hands of 
Sir Henry Clinion, receiving in return a British commis- 
sion and ten thousand pounds in money. West Point was 
the most important post in the possession of the Ameri- 
cans. As a military position, it commands the naviga- 
tion of the Hudson river, and is the key to the communi- 
cation between the Southern and Eastern States. It had 
accordingly been fortified with great care and expense, and 
was the repository of the most valuable stores of the army ; 
and, at the time of Arnold's defection, it was the resting 
point upon which the fate of the American army turned. 
Had it fallen into the hands of the enemy, no sagacity nor 
courage could have saved the whole of the army in the 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 305 

Middle States from being cut to pieces or captured in de- 
tail. The possession of the States of New York and New 
Jersey, the command of the great channels of intercourse 
between the States, a complete division of the remnants 
of the republican forces, and an efficient concentration 
of those of Great Britain must have been the fruits of this 
treason had it been successful. What might have been the 
effects upon the progress of the war it is difficult to imagine. 
The blow would undoubtedly have been most severe and 
disastrous. The value of the prize to the British induced 
them to enter eagerly into negotiation with the traitor, and 
offer a munificent price for the treachery. 

The motives which operated upon Arnold are easily 
traced. Cupidity and revenge were the passions that in- 
fluenced him, and they easily overcame all compunctious 
feelings in a mind so ill-regulated as his, and debased by 
long self-indulgence in habits of dissipation and extravagance. 
Daring in the field, a hardy and venturous soldier, and a 
tried and skilful officer, he was immoral in his private habits, 
haughty in his deportment, and lavish in his expenditures, 
beyond any means within his reach. The wounds he had 
received at Quebec and Saratoga induced him to retire from 
active service, and he became commandant of Philadelphia 
when the British evacuated that place in 1778. There he 
made himself unpopular by his manners and luxurious style 
of living, and involved himself hof>elessly in debt. To re- 
trieve his fortunes he entered largely into various specula- 
tions which failed, and openly trafficked in frauds on the' 
military departments till complaints were formally lodged 
against him, and Congress brought him to court martial for 
the offences. His accounts were proved to be fraudulent, 
and he Was sentenced, with uncommon lenity, to be only 
reprimanded by the Commander-in-chief Debt, disappoint- 
ment, and shame rankled in his breast, and to grt^tify his 
passions and relieve himself from his pecuniary embarrass- 
ments, he entered into a negotiation with Genei-ai Clinton. 
Artfully disguising his p«rpose, he applied for active em- 
ployment, and when the command of the left wing was 
offered him, on the march towards New York, he decline<I 
it, and asked for the command of West Point, which was 
accordingly bestowed upon him. T^e correspontJeftce ak 
ready opened with the British through Major Andre, Adjui*i 
lant-geaeral of the British army, under the fictitious names 
2C^^ 



3IB HISTORT OF THE . ' 

of Gustavus and Anderson, now approached the consumma- 
tion of the treason. The British sloop of war Vulture was 
brought as near the American works as practicable, in order 
to facilitate the communication. A personal interview beinc 
Sept 21st I ^^^^f^^f^ necessary, on the night of the 21st of Sep- 
I tember, Andre was landed from the Vulture, and 
had an interview with Arnold on the beach, to arrange 
finally the plan of ojjerations. The disposition of the Ameri- 
can troops, by which they were to fall into the power of 
Clinton, was settled, and full drawings and details furnished 
of the works, defences, and every thing appertaining to the 
post. Day dawned before the conference was ended, and 
Andre's return was prevented. During the da}-^ the Vulture 
was compelled by the fire of some artillery to drop down the 
river, and he could not be put on board again. No other 
resource was left him than to return to New York by land. 
Changing his uniform for a common dress, he was provided 
with a horse and a passport, under the name of John Anderson. 
He succeeded in passing safely the American outposts, and 
had nearly reached the British lines when he was stopped 
by three American militiamen. Seizing his bridle they de- 
manded his business. Surprised out of his caution, thinking 
himself safe so near the British posts, instead of showing his 
oiss he asked, hastily, "Where do you belong?" " Below,'" 
vas the reply, meaning New York. " So do I," was the 
ish and fatal rejoinder of Andre, and he avowed himself a 
British officer, on urgent business. They instantly arrested 
him, notwithstanding his pressing intreaties and large bribes, 
on discovering his mistake. They rejected his purse and his 
watch, as well as the most liberal promises of reward, if 
they would accomj)any him to the city. Inflexible in their 
fidelity to their country, they proceeded to search him, and 
found the treasonable papers, in the hand writing of Arnold, 
concealed in his boot. They carried him to Lieutenant-colonel 
Jameson, who commanded the outposts at West Point, where 
Andre was permitted to address a note to Arnold, informing 
him of the arrest of Anderson. The traitor took the alarm 
and escaped on board of the Vulture, leaving the penalty of 
his guilt to be paid by the unfortunate Andre. Washington 
had been informed by express of tlie discovery, and arrived 
at West Point too late to secure Arnold. A board of general 
officers was detailed, of which General Greene was Presi- 
dent, to determine the character in which the prisoner wa« 



AMfiRiCAN REVOLUTION. SOT 

to be considered, and the punishment to be inflicted. No 
witnesses were examined. The statements of Andre were 
frankly and ingenuously made, admitting all the facts not 
implicating others, but contending that it was against his 
will that he had been brought within the American lines. 
The board unanimously reported " that he ought to be con- 
sidered as a spy, and that agreeabl}'- to the laws and usages 
of nations, he ought to suffer death." The report was made 
on the 29th of September, and communicated to Sir Henry 
Clinton by Washington, as a final answer to the earnest re- 
monstrances and entreaties of that officer in behalf of his 
friend and brother soldier. Few men were ever so generally 
admired and esteemed as Andre appears to have been by the 
British army. Young, handsome, amiable, gallant, and 
accomplished, he was popular among all classes of the army, 
and the firmness and graceful dignity of his conduct under 
these trying circumstances, won for him the sympathy and 
regard of his enemies. As a last effort to save him, Clinton 
proposed a conference between general officers, and Greene 
was despatched by Washington to meet with the British 
general, Robertson. The arguments were still unavailing. 
An absurd and threatening letter from Arnold had no effect. 
Threats of retaliation were equally fruitless. Washington 
was satisfied that the interests of his country, and duty to the 
army, required the execution of the sentence, and painful 
though it was to his generous feelings, he resisted all over- 
tures and entreaties. The prayer of Andre to be spared the 
shame of dying on the gallows, and to suffer death by being 
shot, was referred to the board, and by their counsel, against 
the pleadings of their sensibilities in behalf of the unhappy 
sufferer, it was refused. On the 2d of October he 
was executed according to his sentence, meeting 
his fate with a fortitude and composure which fitted well 
with the tenor of his life and character. 

Arnold received the reward of his apostacy, and the 
execrations of those who paid him the price for which they 
had contracted. He was created a brigadier, received 
10,000/., and immediately issued an address, justifying his 
course as the result of patriotism, and calling upon the 
American people, to look on Congress as their worst ene- 
mies, and flock to the standard of his majesty, where they 
would receive the honors and pay due to their services. 



306 HISTORY OP THE 

Washington took no notice of this address, or his letters, bat 

sent him his family and baggage. 

Arnold's invitations, though enforced by the most liberal 
offers of pay, had no effect in inducing the continental sol- 
diers to follow him. Though at no season of the war did 
nore distress exist among them, not a man of them accom- 
panied or sympathized with the traitor. On the contrary, it 
is a fact deserving notice, that the ordinary desertions ceased 
altogether at this period. 

The three patriotic militiamen, John Paulding, David Wil- 
liams, and Isaac Van Vert, the captors of Andre, received 
the public thanks of Congress for their "virtuous and pa- 
triotic conduct." A pension was settled on each of them for 
life, and a silver medal presented to them, on one side of 
which was the motto, " Fidelity," and on the other, " Vincit 
amor patrite." 

The approach of winter enabled Washington to carry his 
few and weak troc^s securely into winter quarters. He oc- 
cupied the same position as during the preceding season. 
Sir Henry Clinton embraced the opportunity of detaching 
succors to Cornwallis, in the South, under General Leslie, 
the arrival of which has been already noticed in the account 
of the Southern campaign. 

To relate the condition of the Ameiican army in their win- 
ter encampment would be to recapitulate the wants, suffer- 
ings, and labors of every preceding winter. Pay, clothing, 
fuel, food, shelter, were at all times deficient; and new causes 
of discontent added insubordination and mutiny to the 
other vexations and difficulties of the Commander-in-chief. 
The soldiers had good cause to complain. There was abun- 
dance in the land ; the harvests had been plenty, and ample 
resources for maintaining and provisioning the army were in 
the country, while from the want of system and energy in 
the government the soldiers were almast perishing for lack 
of necessaries. The new system of raising troops adopted 
by Congress, by which the States supplied and paid their 
own quotas, produced gross ir»equalities, which bore heavily 
on the old troops. Some of the new recruits were paid in 
gold, while those who had been long in the service could get 
neither gold nor the almost worthless paper payment. Dis- 
putes rose about the term of enlistment. They who had 
enlisted for three years, " or daring the war," insisted on 
their right to a release at the end of three years, while 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 309 

Congress construed the term to extend to the whole war, at 
the option of the States. These and other causes jan. !.< 
of dissatisfaction grew to such violence that on the '^^i- 
first da}'^ of the year the Pennsylvania line, to the number 
of more than thirteen hundred, revolted, and turned out 
with arms in their hands, declaring their determination to 
march to Congress and demand redress. Every effort to 
appease them failed. Some lives were lost in the attempt 
to bring them into order. La Fayette tried his popularity by 
imploring them to pause and return to their duty, but they 
would not listen. Wayne, to whom they were much at- 
tached, went boldly among them, and menaced them with 
punishment. They answered him firmly; protested they 
Avere not going to the enemy ; and when in the ardor of his 
exhortations he cocked his pistol, a hundred bayonets were 
pointed at him. He was forced to desist, and the mutineers 
inarched to Princeton. 

Sir Henry Clinton, informed of these disorders, thought 
to entice the insurgents into the British service. He sent 
emissaries among them, with templing offers. Indignant at 
this attempt upon their fidelity, they seized the British 
agents and delivered them to General Wayne. Two of them 
were afterwards executed as spies. The revolters committed 
no depredations, except seizing upon food ; to prevent the 
recurrence of which, General Wayne forwarded provisions 
for their use. A committee of Congress, and a deputation 
from the Pennsvlvania authorities, met them at Princeton, 
and by liberal concessions, overlooking their mutinous con- 
duct, relieving their necessities in part, and promising com- 
]>lete indemnity for their losses, succeeded in satisfying 
ihem. Part of them were discharged, and the rest received 
furloughs for forty days. They all received an immediate 
supply of clothing and necessaries, and the revolt was thus 
happily quelled. It deserves to be mentioned that these 
mutineers, while negotiating with Congress with arms in 
their hands, absolutely refused to receive the reward Avhich 
President Reed offered them for apprehending the British 
emissaries. Their necessities forced them, they said, to de- 
mand justice from their own government, but they desired 
no reward for doing their duty to their country against her 
enemies. 

The civil government had been left to manage these di$» 
turbances; but, in a few days, another revolt broke out rh 



3n HISTORY OF THE 

the Jersey brigade, nearer to the head-quarters of Washing- 
ton, which he deemed it necessary to quell by vigorous 
measures. The mutineers in this case were mostly foreign- 
ers, and relying on the fidelity of the New England troops, 
he despatched General Howe to quell the revolt. The ring- 
leaders were seized, and two or three of them executed. 
The rest returned to their duty. 

These mutinies were indeed alarming symptoms of a 
crisis in the administration of public affairs. The errors of 
system, which had unhappily prevailed so long, had reached 
a point where it was clearly impossible that they should 
continue without total ruin to the cause of liberty. For- 
tunately some of the most fatal of them had exhausted them- 
selves, and the recuperative energies of the people had 
gathered the means, under a better system, of repairing 
some of the mischiefs of others. Paper money had nearly/ 
perished in its own excess, and this resource failing. Con 
gress and the people were compelled to choose between 
providing some efficient mode to sustain the army, and pay 
the expenses of the government, and disbandingatonce. The 
emergency called forth the energies of the leading patriots, 
and the invigorated spirit of the nation seconded them. Com- 
merce had begun to revive, especially with the West Indies ; 
industry prospered ; the cultivation of the soil had been re- 
sumed, and money became much more plenty among the 
peojile. In the latter part of 1780, Congress issued circular 
letters to the States, calling upon them earnestly for vigorous 
eflbrts, and in Congress the ablest men were zealous in de- 
vising at last some effectual mode of restoring public credit, 
and making the improved condition of the people available 
for the public wants. This was a point of extreme difficult}'. 
The pernicious ellects of former errors, the miserable condi- 
tion of the finances, the breach of faith in regard to the vast 
arruunt of continental bills afloat, and the irresponsibility of 
Congress as a political body, presented almost insuperable 
difficulties. The patriotism of the people went before the 
authority of Congress, and spontaneous exertions to aid the 
common cause by subscriptions and individual enterprise, 
showed that the torpor- which prevailed during the year 
1779 and the beginning of 1780 had given place to a new 
zeal. The savage mode of conducting the war in the South, 
adopted by the British after the return of Clinton to New 
York, contributed to stimulate the Americans to i\ctior\ 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 311 

under the influence of feelings of resentment. The arrival of 
the French succors in the summer, with the expectation ot 
large additional aid, gave them hopes of speedily bringing 
the war to a termination. The militia came at the call of 
the States with greater alacrity. Capitalists subscribed to 
replenish the treasur}^ The society of ladies of Philadelphia, 
at the head of which Avas the wife of Washington, collected 
large sums to be applied for paying bounty to recruits and 
augmenting their pay. Their example was followed in other 
States, and its influence on the popular enthusiasm was 
great. The revolt of the Philadelphia and New Jersey troops 
hastened these exertions, and awakened a strong sympathy 
for the suffering condition of the army. The amount of three 
months' pay in specie was raised, and forwarded to them, 
and received with joy and gratitude. The close of the year 
which saw the civil affairs of Congress in the worst possible 
state, and the army in a condition of destitution and dis- 
memberment, was marked by a renewal among the people 
of the ardor and enterprise of the early stages of the revolu- 
tion. This happy improvement in the dispositions and 
means of the people was not long in producing a beneficial 
effect upon the action of Congress ; but the penalty of for- 
mer mismanagement could not be escaped, and it was slowly 
that public measures, even sustained by public sentiment, 
could be made to reach and remove the sources of the pub- 
lic embarrassments in conducting the war. Energy and per- 
severance succeeded in triumphing over some of the 
weightiest difficulties, and preparing the means for an 
efficient campaign for the ensuing year, in anticipation of 
the French aid which had promised to be added to that 
brought by Rochambeau. Taxation was resorted to, and 
acquiesced in readily. Urgent instructions were sent to 
foreign ministers to press for loans and subsidies from their 
allies in Europe, and a special minister. Colonel John Lau- 
rens, was sent to aid in the negotiation. At home, the States 
made unusual exertions, and brought a much larger number 
of men than had been customary into the field at an earlier 
season. For the supplies a system of State requisition was 
adopted, by which regularity was established during the 
next campaign. The New England States sent a Conven- 
tion to Providence, by whose agency the articles apportioned 
to them were furnished monthly, and in proper quantities. 
The requisitions for the important article of flour were 'made 



•312 HISTORY OF THE 

on the States of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York. 
The first only could be depended upon, in consequence of 
the exhausted condition of the others, from the depredations 
of the enemy and the necessary impressments by the Ameri- 
can army- The State authorities committed the collection 
of this article to Robert Morris, to whom, under a new 
financial system, the treasury concerns of the United States 
had been entrusted. He assumed the collection of the 
taxes, and contracted to furnish the flour. His personal 
credit and large means were freely used to sustain the gov- 
ernment, and the supplies were duly furnished. In the 
course of the year the IBank of North America, established 
under his care, is beUeved to have had a beneficial influence 
upon the currency and on public credit. 

Foreign pecuniary aid was at last obtained in a substan- 
tial form, in time to facilitate the operations of the eventful 
campaign of 1781. Franklin obtained from the French king 
a gift of six millions of livres, and a loan of ten millions. 
The efforts of Mr. Adams to obtain a loan in Holland w^ere 
ineflfectual, until the French king engaged to guarantee the 
repayment. Ten millions of livres were raised there. These 
sums, partly in specie and partly in clothing and arms, 
served essentially to maintain the armies by which the bril- 
liant and decisive campaign of 1781 was fought. 

Spain refused all pecuniary aid, though solicited earnestly 
by the American minister, Mr. Jay, except upon such terms 
as manifested a disposition to take ungenerous advantage 
of the pecuniary difficulties of the Americans. The Spanish 
court had not acceded to the treaties between France and 
the United States, nor acknowledged the Independence of 
the latter. Their minister was, therefore, not recognized, 
and was subjected to numerous mortifications and embarrass- 
ments. The bills drawn upon him by Congress would have 
been dishonoured, although the Spanish minister had un- 
dertaken to assist him, but for the aid of Dr. Franklin at 
Paris. The Spanish court would furnish the money only in 
return for an acknowledgment of the right of Spain to the 
Mississippi, and the territory west of the AUeghanys, — a 
claim which Mr. Jay firmly resisted. No terms could be 
agreed upon satisfactory to either party, and the negotiation 
was not completed until its final transfer to Paris at the close 
of the war. 
. Holland, at the time of the loan, was at open war with 



AMERICAN REVOLUtlON. 313 

England, The relations between the States General and the 
United States are intimately connected with the causes of 
the rupture between the former and Great Britain. Jealousy 
of the great naval superiority of Britain, and distaste of the 
arrogance with which that superiority was asserted, were 
permanent causes of coolness between the two countries. 
The peculiar commercial character of the Dutch made them 
regard with repugnance the vexatious interruptions to trade 
caused by the system of maritime laws with regard to neu- 
tral rights, maintained by the British government, and en- 
forced by her powerful navy. It has been seen that they 
gave encouragement to American privateers, and refused to 
interfere when the British minister, Yorke, demanded the 
surrender of Paul Jones, when that officer carried the cap- 
tured Serapis into the Texel. The refusal was offensive to 
Hie British ministry, and they evidently sought an opportu- 
nity for coming to an open rupture, which was as carefully 
Sivoided by the Dutch. In the beginning of the year 1780, 
a British fleet arrested a convoy of Dutch merchantmen, 
laden with military stores, under the protection of a Dutch 
man-of-war, commanded by Admiral By land. On his re- 
fusal to permit the search for contraband, the British com- 
mander took possession of the whole, and carried them into 
Spithead. Even this did not drive the States General into 
the expected declaration of war. They had too many valua- 
ble merchant vessels abroad to be risked against the Immense 
navy of England, and they preferred remonstrances and 
negotiation. The armed neutrality of that year, of which the 
empress of Russia put herself at the head, showed the wary 
Hollanders, that that powerful European combination would 
enforce the doctrines of neutral rights involved in their dis- 
putes with England, without the hazard of a war on their 
own account. This celebrated alliance originated in a de- 
claration by the court of Russia, made on the 26th of Febru- 
ary, 1780, and agreed to during that summer by France, 
Spain, Holland, Denmark, and Sweden, affirming a code of 
neutral rights, different from that maintained by England, 
and pledging the parties to make common cause in support- 
ing it. The declaration asserted, that neutral ships should 
freely navigate even from port to port on the coasts of belli- 
gerents, except to places actually besieged or blockaded, .and 
with a proviso, that they do not carry contraband articles. 
'' Contraband" was defined to mean only " warlike stores 

2D 



an^" 



HISTORT OF THE 



and ammunition." This was a coalition against the British 
interests and doctrines too formidable to be resisted at once. 
An evasive answer was given by the British court, and they 
persevered in their eftbrts to force the Dutch into a war. 
The opportunity was afforded them by an authentic dis- 
covery of the negotiations privately carried on between 
functionaries of the States General and the American Com 
missioners. In the summer of 1778, William Lee, the En- 
voy of the United States to Berlin, on his way to that court, 
had an interview with one of the principal merchants of Am- 
sterdam in relation to a commercial intercourse between the 
two countries. In September the plan of a treaty for that 
purpose was agreed upon and approved by Van Berkel, the 
chief magistrate, or grand pensionary, as was his title, of the 
city of Amsterdam. Congress, in the summer of 1780, sent 
Henry Laurens of South Carolina, on a diplomatic commis- 
sion to Holland, to conclude the treaty. The packet 
Mercury, in which he sailed, was captured off the banks of, 
Newfoundland by the British frigate Vestal. Mr. Laurens 
threw his despatches overboard, but they were recovered by 
the activity of a sailor, and the papers transmitted to the 
British ministry. Mr. Laurens was committed to the tower 
on a charge of high treason, and an instant demand made 
upon the Dutch government for the punishment of " Van 
Berkel and his accomplices, as disturbers of the public peace 
and violators of the rights of nations." No answer was 
given by the Dutch, and the demand was almost imme- 
diately followed by a declaration of war by the king of Great 
Britain against the United Provinces of Holland. Both 
houses of parliament voted addresses to the king, approving 
of the declaration. 

To sustain themselves against such numerous enemies, the 
British nation made amazing exertions. No opposition was 
offered in parliament to the voting of immense sums for the 
service of the comino year, and the raising of prodigious 
armaments by sea and land. Ninety-one thousand seamen, 
and, including foreign troops, about eighty thousand land 
troops were voted. The whole amount granted for the pub- 
lic service was •>2,4o8,>337/. Against these numeroushostile 
fleets and armies, England displayed a constancy of courage 
and extent of resources which demand unqualified admira- 
tion. In both hemispheres she kept her enemies at bay ; 
foiled the French and Spanish fleets, boldly challenged the 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 315 

Dutch, carried on a contest with her revolted Colonies, and 
maintained with brilliant success expensive and momentous 
warfare against the native princes in India. If her conduct 
had been haughty and tyrannical in her prosperity, her 
trials brought forth a heroic resolution, and roused her to 
efforts of almost unexampled strength. 

The main object of France and Spain during the year 
1780, had been to humble the maritime power of Britain. 
The West Indies was the theatre of their combined opera- 
tions, and vast armaments on both sides were employed 
there with alternate success. Naval battles of great magni- 
tude were fought in the European seas without any decisive 
issue, and with little direct inlluence on the American war. 
But the occupation of the immense navies of Great Britain 
against her European enemies, was indirectly the gain of 
the Americans, 

The memorable defence of Gibraltar by the English Gen- 
eral Elliot against a long and persevering siege, a defence 
which is considered one of the most gallant in the annals of 
war. was protracted through this year. 

The French Admiral De Ternay died in December, at 
Newport, and was succeeded by the Count D'Estouches. 
The French troops and fleet remained inactive a long time 
in Rhode Island. Their first active service was in the com- 
mencement of the next year. We have already seen that 
the traitor Arnold signalized his zeal in behalf of his new 
service, by taking the command of an expedition fitted out 
from New York, to make a descent upon the coast of Vir- 
ginia. This was part of the energetic policy resolved upon 
by the enemy for carrying on the war in America. It had 
determined to act vigorously on several points at once, and 
to carry on operations simultaneously in New York, Virginia, 
North and South Carolina. Arnold was appointed, at the 
head of sixteen hundred men, aided by a number of armed 
vessels, to invade Virginia, and prevent that State from send- 
ing succors to the Southern army under Greene. He landed 
in the beginning of January below Richmond, in jan.sth, 
James river, and in two days marched to that town, ^~^^- 
burnt and plundered it. With all the flaming zeal of a new 
proselyte to Great Britain, the apostate general outdid in 
ferocity the devastations of his predecessors in the service. 
He made numerous excursions through the country, and in 
every place marked his path with the same cruelty and 



March 10. 



316 HISTORY OF THE 

wantonness. Returning to the coast, he gave indications of 
establishing a permanent post at Portsmouth. Washington, 
to arrest this career of havoc, dispatched La Fayette to Vir- 
ginia, with twelve hundred American infantry, and proposed 
to the French Admiral to send a part of the French fleet to 
intercept the retreat of the British by sea, and capture their 
vessels. The proposal was gladly embraced, and on the 8th 
of March the fleet sailed for the Chesapeake, with a large 
addition of land forces to co-operate with La Fayette. A 
detachment of the squadron had been sent before, which 
succeeded in capturing a forty-four gun ship and some 
smaller vessels. The British Admiral Arbuthnot followed 
the French, and the fleets, in about a week, came in contact 
off" the Capes of Virginia. An action took place, 
which Avas indecisive as a battle, no ship being 
taken on either side, but the fruits of the victory belonged 
to the British. The French were forced to abandon their 
design, and return to Newport, and Clinton reinforced Ar- 
nold strongly. General Phillips landed at Portsmouth on the 
20th, and took the command. The troops he brought with 
him augmented the British force in Virginia to 3,500, and 
they immediately renewed the predatory enterprises by 
which Arnold had made himself so infamous. On these 
excursions he ravaged both sides of the James river, cap- 
tured and plundered Williamsburgh, City Point, and Peters- 
burgh, where an ineffectual opposition was attempted by the 
militia, commanded by Governor Nelson and Baron Steu- 
ben. General La Fayette, who had been recalled as far as 
the head of the Elk river, Ynarched back to the reinforce- 
ment of the militia, and checked the further advance of 
Phillips. The approach of Cornwallis from the South re- 
called Phillips from his parti zan warfare, and he marched to 
join that commander at Petersburgh. On the 13th of Ma}' 
General Phillips died, and on the 20th the junction with 
Cornwallis took place. La Fayette, who had displayed 
indefatigable zeal and celerit}^ in watching and harassing the 
forces of Phillips, fell back to the other side of the river, and 
encamped below Richmond. 

Here was the scene of the final military struggle between 
Great Britain and the United States. La Fayette was first 
on the field, and gallantly maintained the fortunes of America 
with inferior forces against Cornwallis. But, before narratmg 
the events of the memorable conflict in Virginia, it is neces- 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 3\f 

sary to review the progress of the war in other quarters, 
which finally brought the main strength of both parties to 
decide the question of American Independence near the 
Capes of Virginia. The first and most prominent in interest 
is the brilliant career of Greene in the Southern States. 
With an inferior force of badly armed and scantily supplied 
soldiery, notwithstanding repeated defeats and repulses, by 
his genius, constancy, and courage, he triumphed over the 
enemies of his country, and in a series of skilful and gal- 
lant actions, recovered the Carolinas, and established the 
revolution in the Southern States. 



2D 



ffH^ HISTORY OF THS 



CHAPTER XIV. 

The defeat of General Gates at the battle of Camden, dis- 
astrous as it truly was to the American arms, elated the 
British to an extravagant pitch. South Carolina was thought 
to be totally subjugated, and preparations were made by 
Cornwallis to proceed in his career of victory to the inva- 
sion of North Carolina. The reverse sustained in the battle 
of King's Mountain, and the defeat and death of Fergusson 
there, had checked his career for the present, to be resumed 
as soon as he could repress and punish the manifestations of 
patriotic feeling, which had broken out among the people 
into symptoms of revolt on the approach of Gates, and after- 
wards on the fall of Fergusson. With the tories of Nortli 
Carolina he held constant communication, and relied upon 
Jiberal aid from them as soon as he should cross into that 
State. Impatient under the suspension of his advance, he 
prosecuted the system of administration he had chosen to 
secure the future submissiveness of South Carolina. This 
had been marked by peculiarly harsh and barbarous mea- 
sures, and they were now prosecuted with greater severity. 
Carolina became for a season a field of wide proscription 
and confiscation. General orders were issued to all the 
British posts to hang, summarily, all those taken in arms for 
the Americans, who had been drafted into the ro)-al militia 
by the arbitrary proclamations issued after the surrender of 
Charleston, and to seize on the property of all who submit- 
ted at first, but took part with their country on the " inva- 
sion" of Gates. At Charleston, Camden, Ninety-Six, Au- 
gusta, and other places, multitudes were gibbetted, without 
compunction, for fighting the battles of their native land. 
Arrests, sequestrations, transportation, became common ex- 
pedients, and terror was the instrument by which the loyalty 
of the State was to be secured. We have already seen the 
partial effects of such a policy. It created an infinite num- 
ber of secret enemies, ready to take up arms with tenfold 
fury, whenever the pressure of superior force should be 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 319 

removed, — and it stimulated to greater audacity the partizan 
corps of independent bands of wliigs, who roamed through- 
out the State, beating up the British quarters, harassing their 
posts, cutting off tories and stragglers, and doing all the mis- 
chief in their power to the dominant force. Cornwallis, 
however, did not estimate these consequences very highly, 
and being reinforced by the troops under Leslie, late in De- 
cember resumed his intention of marching to conquer North 
Carolina. 

General Greene had taken up a position with the main 
body of his little army, on the eastern branch of the Pedee 
river, nearly opposite Cheraw Hill ; and the remainder of 
his force, under Morgan and Pickens, were stationed at the 
confluence of Broad and Pacolet rivers. The whole force 
very little exceeded two thousand men. With these inferior 
numbers he took the field, at the opening of the year. Unable 
to cope in regular battle with Cornwallis, he determined to 
carry on the war of detachments, and harass the British in 
detail. 

Colonel Lee, with his legion, joined him, and was imme- 
diately sent to the support of Marion, who, as usual, was 
engaged in a partizan enterprise against some of the enemy' 
posts. So rapid were Marion's movements, that it was some- 
times difficult even for his friends to find him. Lee and Ma-; 
fion, with their joint forces, surprised Georgetown, and cap- 
tured Colonel Campbell. 

The advance of Cornwallis into North Carolina, in the 
position of the American forces, would have left Morgan in 
his rear. To dislodge and disperse that detachment, he ac- 
cordingly sent Tarleton, with his celebrated legion, amount- 
ing to eleven hundred men, and advanced wath his main 
army in a northwesterly direction, between the Catawba 
and the Broad rivers, to intercept the retreat of the Ameri- 
cans, when they should retire before T^arleton. Leslie 
moved in a paiallel direction, on the eastern side of the 
Catawba, leaving Gxeene and his corps on the right, held 
in check by the garrisons at the British posts. Tarleton's 
orders were to come up with Morgan, and " push him to 
the utmost." With hh characteristic impetuosity he pressed 
forward, but Morgan, advised of the superiority of troops, 
especially cavalry, brought against him, abandoned his post, 
on the 16th of Januaiy, and retired up the country, only a 
few hours before Tarieton arrived. Tarleton, without 



080 HISTORY OP THE V, \ 

pausing to rest, followed up the pursuit durin* the night, 
and early the next morning overtook the Americans at the 
Cowpens, where they had halted for relreshment and re- 
pose. Morgan had determined to risk a battle at once, rather 
than exhaust his men by the eftbrt to escape from an enemy 
so remarkable for the celerity of his movements. Making a 
skilful arrangement of his troops, he waited the charge of 
the enemy upon ground which afforded Tarleton the free 
use of his celebrated cavalry. The first line, composed of 
militia, was directed to check the enemy's advance and fall 
back. The second line was composed of continental infantry, 
under Colonel John Eager Howard, and in the rear the 
regular cavalry and a party of mounted militia were sta- 
tioned as a corps de reserve, under Colonel Washington. 
The British cavalry outnumbered the American three to 
one; the infantry were superior and they had two field 
pieces. 

Confident of an easy victory, Tarleton dashed onward, 
Jan. 17th, without allowing his troops time to recover from 
J"*i- their fatigue, and not even pausing to form 
his line carefully. They charged the militia impetuously, 
with a battalion of infantry, supported by dragoons. These 
were met by a steady fire. The first line giving way, they 
pressed rapidly against the second. The resistance here 
was so obstinate that Tarleton brought up his whole reserve 
to strike a final blow. Colonel Howard, on this increase of 
force against him, determined to chanjre his order of battle. 
His directions being misunderstood, a retreat was com- 
menced, and continued for a short distance. The mistake 
proved fortunate. Tarleton hurried on in disorderly pur- 
suit, when Howard, rallying the infantry, faced about, and 
received the pursuers with a deadl}' and continuous fire, 
which threw them into confusion. Following this advan- 
tage, while the enemy were surprised and wavering, the 
order was given to charge bayonets. It was obeyed with 
alacrity, and the day was instantly decided. Colonel Wash- 
ington, at the same time, charged the enemy's cavalry, and 
routed them, and a general flight of the British commenced, 
and was continued without a rally, until the fugitives reach- 
ed the camp of Cornwallis. The loss of the British was un- 
exampled, considering the numbers engaged. One hundred 
were killed, two hundred wounded, and five hundred pri- 
soners. The artillery, standards, eight hundred muskets, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 321 

and a hundred horses were among the fruits of the victory 
to the Americans. They lost only twelve killed and about 
sixty wounded. Morgan displayed extraordinary activity and 
courage during the day, moving about the field, giving his 
orders and mingling in the contest, wherever it was hottest. 
Colonels Howard and Washington exhibited admirable skill 
and daring, and the masterly movement of the former won the 
battle. As a military achievement, few events in the revo- 
lutionary war were more brilliant than the battle of the Cow- 
pens. In its results it was not less important. It was the 
turning of the tide of fortune in favor of the Americans, 
heretofore driven before superior force, and the commence- 
ment of that flow of success, which, with few ebbings, soon 
swept over the South, and drove the enemy oat of the 
country. 

The intelligence of Tarleton's defeat disconcerted the 
plans of Cornwallis. He resolved to intercept the march of 
Morgan, and compel him to restore his prisoners and tro- 
phies. Morgan, who was aware of the necessity of a speedy 
retreat into Virginia, in order to save himself and secure the 
fruits of his splendid victory, made all haste to escape. A 
military race then commenced, of a dubious and exciting 
character. Morgan and Cornwallis were about equally dis- 
tant from the fords of the Catawba, in different directions, 
and the struggle was which should arrive there first. The 
march of the Americans was excessively toilsome and pain- 
ful. On the 29th, twelve days after the battle, Morgan 
arrived at the fords, and had safely crossed them only two 
hours before the van of the enemy appeared on the opposite 
banks. It was then too dark to cross that night, and Cornwallis 
encamped on the banks of the river. Daring the night a 
heavy fall of rain raised a swell in the river, and made it 
impassable for two days. In the interim, Greene, who had 
ordered his own detachment to retire towards Virginia, and 
jidden with but two or three attendants a hundred and forty 
miles, joined Morgan on the 31st. 

When the waters of the Catawba subsided, Cornwallis 
crossed, and the pursuit recommenced. A slight but unsuc- 
cessful attempt was made to obstruct his passage. Both 
armies hurried on to the Yadkin. Greene, this time, was 
pressed so closely that Cornwallis reached him before the 
whole of his army had been ferried over. The van 
of the British engaged a portion of the rear guard 



322 HISTORY OP THE 

of the Americans, and part of the baggacre of the retreating 
army was abandoned. Agai« Comwallis encamped with 
only a river between his army and Greene, expecting to 
overtake and engage him in the morning. Another fortunate 
rise in the waters retarded him. The Yadkin was made im- 
passable by the swell, and Cornwallis was compelled to 
march up the stream to cross at the shallow fords nearer the 
source. He traversed this circuitous route with great rapidity. 
Greene, not delaying his course, pushed on to Guilford 
Court House, where he formed a junction with the re- 
mainder of his army, that had retired from the Pedee, 
under the command of General Huger. The combined 
forces were still inferior to the army of Cornwallis, and the 
pursuit was continued. The Americans retreated as rapidly 
as possible towards Virginia, and so vigorously did Corn- 
wallis force his marches, that a third time he leached the 
banks of a river just as the rear guard of Greene had crossed 
safely to the other side. The Americans marclred forty miles 
on the last day of this extraordinary race, and on 
the 1 1th of February were securely ferried over the 
river Dan, into Virginia. Here they were within reach of 
reinforcements of Virginia militia, and continentals, under 
Steuben and La Fayette. Cornwallis would venture no fur- 
ther, but, abandoning the chase, turned slowly south, and 
established himself at Hillsborough. He there occupied him- 
self with encouraging the tories to take up arms, and enrol 
themselves under the royal standard ; but his invitations and 
proclamations were not so successful as he expected. A con- 
siderable number joined him, and many more were well 
disposed, but confidence in the ascendency of the royal 
forces was by no means re-established. The successful 
retreat of Greene, and the bold front he continued to as- 
sume with so inferior a force, had a beneficial effect in pre- 
venting any large rising of the royalists. The American 
general, strengthened by a body of Virginians, resolved to 
take more decided measures for reassuring the republicans and 
inlimidatins: the tories, and on the :i'2d of February, 
boldly recrossed the Dan with his whole army, 
to assume the offensive. Tarleton, with a corps of four hun- 
dred and fifty men, had been despatched into the district of 
country between the Haw and Deep rivers, to give counte- 
nance to the royalists there. Lee, with his legion, and 
Pickens, with a party of militia, were sent to oppose him 



AMERICAN REVOLimON. 323 

Three hundred and fifty of the tories met this detachment, 
and, mistaking them for the British, welcomed them with 
protestations of loyalty, and cries of •' God save the king." 
They were soon undeceived by a furious attack ; between 
two and three hundred of them were killed, and the rest 
dispersed. Tarleton was within a mile of the field of action ; 
and instantly began his retreat to Hillsborough. On his 
march he fell in with another party of tories, going to join 
the British army, and taking them for republican militia, 
cut down a number of them before they could explain their 
true destination. These events discouraged the loyalists, and 
put an end to the recruiting service of the British army. 
Many who were ready to enlist, turned back, and irresolu- 
tion and fear took the place of the ardor which they had at 
first exhibited, and on the faith of which Cornwallis had 
calculated upon the speedy conquest of North Carolina. 

The indefatigable Greene manoeuvred for several weeks 
within a few miles of Cornwallis, waiting for reinforcements, 
and harassing the British detachments, without venturing to 
give battle. For seven days he lay within ten miles of the 
British camp, and all Cornwallis's skill and enterprise could 
not obtain intelligence of his movements and position time 
enough to profit by it. He changed his camp with such 
celerity and secresy, that every day presented a new front, 
of which his adversary was unapprised and could not take 
advantage. At length, being strengthened by two brigades 
of North Carolina and one of Virginia militia, and about four 
hundred continental regulars, his numbers were increased 
to about 4,400, and he no longer avoided an engagement. 
Cornwallis, although he had less than three thousand troops, 
confiding in their courage and discipline, readily embraced 
the opportunity, and the armies met at Guilford, on the 
morning of the 15th of March. 

The Americans waited the attack of the British, I J ) 
drawn up in three lines, about a mile from Guilford | 
Court House. The North Carolina militia were in front, the 
Virginia militia formed the second line, and the last was 
composed of the continental regulars, commanded by Gen- 
eral Huger and Colonel Williams. The flanks were covered 
by the cavalry and riflemen. The battle commenced at half 
past one. At the first fire, the greater part of the North 
Carolina militia threw down their arms and took to flight. 
The Virginia militia stood theur ground firmly, until out- 



334 HISTORY OF THE 

manoeuvred by the enemy and charged with bayonets, when 
they gave way. The whole of the British force, infantry 
and cavalry, then pressed upon the continental line, and 
forced them from the field, after an obstinate fight, in which 
they were nearly surrounded. A general retreat was sound- 
ed, and made without disorder. Greene halted at Reedy 
Fork, about three miles from the field, and, having collected 
most of the stragglers, retired to the iron works, on Trouble- 
some Creek, about ten miles further. The loss in killed 
and wounded was about four hundred, of whom three hun- 
dred were continentals. The numbers were further dimin 
ished by the dispersion of the militia, many of whom returned 
to their homes. Generals Huger and Stevens were wound- 
ed. Four pieces of artillery and ten ammunition wagons 
were lost. 

The British loss was larger, compared with their numbers. 
Their killed and wounded exceeded five hundred, among 
whom were several valuable officers. 

The fruits of the battle of Guilford to the victors on the 
field, Avere all the effects of complete defeat. The vanquish- 
ed were ready to resume the offensive, and the conquerors, 
after issuing a proclamation, announcing their triumph, and 
offering pardon to all who should submit to their clemency 
left part of their wounded in the power of their adversaries, 
and retired towards Wilmington. 

Greene, with unwearied perseverance, followed Corn- 
wallis cautiously, hanging on his rear and harassing his 
march. Wilmington had been occupied by a British corps, 
commanded by Major Craig, sent from Charleston, in 
North Carolina, for the purpose of furnishing supplies to 
the army. The militia of the State were too active to permit 
this communication, and the hilly character of the coun- 
try along the Cape Fear river, assisted them materially. 
Cornwallis was therefore obliged to retreat to Wilmmgton, to 
avail himself of the supplies collected there, and to refresh 
his army. He reached that place on the seventh 
" ''"' ' ■ of April. Greene followed him only to Deep 
river, one of the upper branches of the Cape Fear river. 
After halting there awhile, at Ramony's mills, to give his ex- 
hausted troops time for repose, instead of pursuing Cornwal- 
lis towards the coast, he took the daring measure of defiling 
by forced marches, to the right, re-entered South Caro- 
lina, and encamped within a short distance of Camden, 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 325 

where Lord Rawdon was posted, with about nine hundred 
men. The British troops in South CaroHna were scattered 
in posts and cantonments ; the bulk of the army was absent, 
under CornwaUis ; and this movement by Greene, gave the 
Americans the appearance of being the invaders, while the 
British march to Wilmington had the air of a retreat. The 
patriots were reassured, and the spirits of the people rose. 
'.During the marchings of both armies in North Carolina, the 
South Carolinian whigs had not been inactive. Sumpter 
and Marion, at the head of their gallant followers, kept the 
field, and made rapid excursions against the British posts, 
interrupting their convoys, assaulting and harassing their 
detachments, and keeping their outposts in constant alarm. 
After Greene's arrival, Lee, with his active legion, co- 
operated essentially in their partizan expeditions. The force 
which Greene brought with him, when he adopted the 
measure of penetrating into South Carolina, was small, and 
the British were complete masters of the State, occupying a 
chain of fortified posts, from the eastern to the western ex- 
tremity of the State. Sumpter had been commissioned to 
raise a brigade for the regular service; and the aid of the 
militia was relied upon for the campaign. It was I : 

on the 20th of April that Greene arrived in the | ^" ~ •< 
neighborhood of Camden, and pitched his camp at Log 
town, within a mile of Lord Rawdon. Before following him 
in his remarkable career of gallantry, perseverance, and 
final victory, we must trace the progress of CornwaUis 
northward. He had kept up a correspondence with Gen- 
eral Phillips in Virginia. The general plan of the British 
campaign in America looked to a junction of the royal forces 
in the South, — those of CornwaUis from the conquest of the 
Carolinas, with the army from New York, under Arnold and 
Phillips, after overrunning and subduing Virginia. From the 
day of the defeat of the Cowpens, difficulties seemed to 
grow constantly in the way of the advance o£ CornwaUis. 
The Carolina courage revived, and, though no important bat- 
tle had been won by the republicans, the fortune of war had 
essentially diminished the confidence of their enemies. On 
retiring to Wilmington, the proper plan of operations be- 
came a serious subject of debate. The return to South 
Carolina would take him through a barren country, and 
confine his exertions to a defeat of Greene, and the preser- 
vation of South Carolina. Besides, the strong garrisons 
2E 



39^ HISTORY OF THE 

posted there might be considered able to resist the Ameri 
cans, until the united British army could be brought to sus- 
tain them. It was not, however, by any means certain, 
when Cornwallis made these calculations, that Greene had 
resolved to confine his attention to the recovery of South 
Carolina. It was not unreasonable to expect that he would 
follow the royal forces into Virginia, and endeavor to 
co-operate with La Fayette and Steuben. At all events, 
whatever ground might be lost in the Carolinas could not 
be great, and the recovery would be easy by a large and 
victorious army, flushed with the conquest of one of the 
most powerful States of the Union. The effect of a vigorous 
blow in such a quarter, on such an extensive field, was 
looked to as highly important in impressing upon the Amer- 
icans a sense of the irresistible power of the British arms, 
rousing the loyalists to united action, and extinguishing the 
hopes of the republicans by a complete conquest of the 
South. These considerations prevailed with the council of 
war and the commander, and it was resolved to march into 
Virginia, and join General Phillips at Petersburgh. Carolina 
was left to the fortune of war. The command was entrusted 
to Lord Rawdon, a young officer of- great bravery and merit, 
the same who afterwards distinguished himself as Earl of 
Moira, and became celebrated in India as Marquis of Hast- 

After delaying about three weeks at Wilmington, making 
preparations for the march, Cornwallis led his army near the 
coast, northward, with very little obstruction from the dis- 
persed inhabitants, and a few light skirmishes with the mi- 
litia. At Halifax, where he arrived by the shortest route, 
he captured some American stores, with little loss, and cross- 
ino- successively the large and rapid rivers that flow into the 
Roanoke and Albemarle Sound, unopposed, he reached Pe- 

Itersburgh in less than a month. On the "^Oth he 
formed a junction with the troops of Phillips, who 
had died a few days before. This army was subsequently 
strengthened by a considerable detachment from New York, 
and at the same time intelligence was received of the sail- 
ing of several Irish regiments from Cork, for Charleston 
The news from Lord Rawdon, at that date, was encouraging, 
and the prospects of Cornwallis were, in every respect, bril- 
liant. No force in Virginia was competent to resist him. 
His conquest* in Carolina were, to all appearances, secure. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 327 

aud he commenced his operations sanguine in the expecta- 
tion of completing his own glory, and accomplishing the 
designs of his country by extinguishing the American re- 
bellion. The ensuing movements in a few months, by which 
these prospects were reversed, his army cooped up in a 
narrow peninsula, and himself and them made captives to 
an overwhelming force, brought by active and skilful ma 
ncEUvres against him, close the most important era in the 
battles of the revolution. The great drama was soon brougfht 
to a catastrophe, and the final battle of liberty fought and 
won against apparently hopeless odds. 

Oh the arrival of Cornwallis in Virginia, the small army 
to whom its defence was intrusted, consisted of but little 
more than three thousand men, of whom not one thousand 
were regulars, the rest were mere militia. The Marquis La 
Fayette commanded them, and, taught in the school of 
Washington, he so tempered his natural genius, and national 
ardor of character with caution and circumspection, moved 
with such celerity and manoeuvred with such skill, that he 
sustained himself and his weak forces with astonishing con- 
stancy and success, and baffled superior numbers and disci- 
pline, and veteran experience. 

Detailed narrative of these important operations must be 
preceded by the equally brilliant and successful campaign 
of Greene in South Carolina. 

The principal British posts in South Carolina were con- 
nected by forts, garrisoned by small detachments, and the 
communications were kept up by strong patroles of cavalry. 
When Greene advanced against Camden, the partizan corps 
were directed to operate against the forts and break up the 
lines of communication. Weakened by the detachments he 
had sent on that service, he was not able either to assault or 
invest the post of Camden. He therefore encamped at a 
place called Hobkirk's Hill, in the expectation of alluring 
Lord Rawdon out of his entrenchments, or forcing him, from 
the interruption of his supplies from below, to venture a bat- 
tle. The British general was not averse to the encounter, 
and prudently determined to bring it on at once, before the 
army of Greene was re-enforced. Sumpter's corps had not 
arrived, and Lee and Marion were engaged in investing 
Fort Watson, lower down on the Wateree, towards Charles- 
ton. On the 25th of April, Lord Rawdon advanced I . ., «- 
with his whole force to the attack of Greene's j ''" 



328 HISTORY OF THE 

position at Hobkirk's Hill. He hoped to find the American 
army unprepared, because they had but the day before re- 
turned from a position they had taken at Sandhill Creek, 
to be in a more direct road of communication with Marion 
and Lee. He found the Americans prepared for him, with 
numbers somewhat greater than his own. The British were 
about nine hundred, and the Americans about twelve hun- 
dred, of whom more than three hundred were militia. The 
attack of the British van was sustained by the Maryland and 
Virginia troops until the army formed, and by degrees the 
whole line were engaged with the main body of the British. 
The action was warmly sustained on both sides, and victory 
inclined to the Americans so strongly, that Greene despatch- 
ed Colonel Washington with his cavalry to intercept the 
enemy's retreat. At this critical moment the two right com- 
jjanies, having lost their officers, w^ere thrown into confusion, 
and fell back against orders. The attempt to rally increased 
the disorder; the British seized the opportunity and rushed 
forward ; panic seized the whole regiment, and Greene was 
compelled to order a general retreat. This was effected in 
good order. He carried off his artillery safely, most of the 
wounded, and some prisoners. The pursuit of the enemy 
did not continue far, and the Americans encamped on the 
next day at Ridgeley's mill, about five miles from Camden. 
The killed, wounded, and missing, of both sides, were nearly 
equal in number. The British had, as in the case of the 
battle of Guilford, the empty honors of victory — their ad- 
versaries all the substantial fruits. Rawdon was again shut 
up, with diminished forces, in Camden ; and Greene, with 
the partizan detachments co-operating with him, watched 
the passes by v/liich succor and supplies were expected 
7 h I ^^"^"^ Charleston. On the 7th of May, a re-enforce- 
'' " I ment from the Pedee, commanded by Colonel 
Watson, reached Lord Rawdon, and he immediately march- 
ed out to compel Greene to risk another battle. Here he was 
foiled again. The American general, confident that the gar- 
rison could not maintain their position long without supplies, 
on the advance of Watson retired from his camp near Cam- 
den, and moved to the high hills behind Sawney's Creek. 
Rawdon, finding his design impracticable, retraced his steps 
to Camden. The fall of Fort Watson, which had surrendered 
to Lee and Marion on the twenty-third, and the breaking of 
his line of communications, reduced him to the necessity o^ 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 329 

ab'ahSoning Camden. On the 10th of May he de- j 
stroyed the works, mills, some public buildings, | *' 
and part of his own baggage, evacuated the fort, and retired 
with his troops beyond the Santee river. On the day he 
arrived at Nelson's Ferry, the fort at Motte's surrendered to 
Sumpter. Besides Motte's and Watson, the other forts in- 
vested by the Americans, successively fell. Sumpter took 
Orangeburgh on the 11th of May; Lee took Granby on the 
15th ; and, about the same time, Marion took Georgetown^ 
The loss of men in these forts did not exceed eight hundred, 
but the gain to the Americans was the recovery of the coun- 
try and the breaking up of the British chain. Lord Raw- 
don, on receiving the unwelcome news, retired still further, 
to Eutaw Springs. By this movement he abandoned the 
upper country to the whigs, and concentrated the British 
force below the Santee river. The spirit of the country 
rose, and animated exertions were made by the friends of 
Independence, and with success, to rouse the inhabitants to 
co-operate with the American army. 

As soon as Rawdon evacuated Camden, Greene broke up 
his camp at Sawney's Creek, and marched to Fort Granby, 
on the Congaree river, on-e of the principal southern branches 
of the Santee. From that place he despatched Lee to join 
Pickens, in the neighbourhood of Augusta, on the Savannah 
river; and, after reposing for a few days, marched with his 
army to reduce the post of Ninety-Six. These were the 
only important posts left to the British of their line of de- 
fence across the whole province. On his way to join Gen. 
Pickens, Lee, with a part of his legion, made a forced march 
of seventy -five miles in three days, and captured a quantity 
of stores, ammunition, and two companies of the garrison, at 
Silver Bluff, twelve miles below Augusta. Forming a junc- 
tion with the forces of Pickens on the same day, they pro- 
ceeded to invest Augusta. The defence was obstinate and 
skilful. The garrison held out until June, when I 
resistance became useless, and about three hundred I 
of them surrendered. 

General Greene was not so successful in his own enter- 
prise. He commenced the siege of Ninety-Six on the 22d 
of May, and broke ground to besiege it in form on the 25th, 
The place was one of great natural strength, fortified with 
care, and garrisoned by five hundred and sixty men, com-r 
manded by Colonel Cruger. Greene's forces exceeded nine 
2E2 



June 18th. 



HISTOEY OF THE 

hundred, and his njilitary works were constructed under the 
superintendence of the celebrated Pole, Kosciusko. The 
siege Avas vigorously pressed ; the works had been pushed 
near to the walls, and, reinforced by Lee on the 8th of June, 
the besiegers were confident of the speedy surrender of the 
fort. At this critical period, intelligence was received that 
Lord Rawdon had been strengthened by the newly arrived 
regiments from Ireland, and was advancing rapidly to relieve 
the post. No alternative was left for Greene but to raise the 
siege at once, or carry the fort by assault. The assault was 
determined on, and made :but though the assailants 
behaved with great bravery, and continued the 
ittack under a galling fire against an equally brave defence 
for a considerable time, they were beaten off, and the 
whole army raised the siege and retreated before the ap 
proach of Rawdon. In this unsuccessful enterprise, three 
weeks were consumed, and one hundred and eighty-five 
men lost, out of the diminished American army. The failure 
was a deep disappointment to the Americans : the fruits of 
their labors were torn from them in the very moment of 
victory. Tlie little array was chased by Lord Rawdon, first 
over the Saluda, and then beyond the Ennoree river. Find- 
ing it impossible to overtake them, the British general return- 
ed, drew oifpart of the force from Ninety-Six, made prepa- 
rations to evacuate it altogether, and established himself for 
the present on the Congaree. He gave orders for Colonel 
Cruger to join him there, and sent for reinforcements from 
Charleston. 

The American General was, however, though repulsed 
and defeated, neither disheartened nor irresolute. Some of 
his more desponding officers, seeing the accumulating force 
about to be brought against them, advised a retreat into Vir- 
ginia. His answer was prompt, — he "would recover South 
Carolina or perish in the attempt." He learned that Colonel 
Cruger had been detained at Ninety-Six, and, sending 
Pickens to watch that detachment, he called in his light 
troops, summoned the militia under Sumpter and Marion, 
and, to the astonishment of the British general, within two 
d?iys of his arrival on the banks of the Congaree, Greene 
Was before him with recruited numbers, ready for battle 
dgain. This elasticity of mind, and prompt facility of re- 
sources, fitted the American general peculiarly for the con- 
tf>st ia which he was engaged. If Rawdon concentrated tU 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 331 

forces, the republican Inhabitants rose to aid in reducing his 
posts and expelling the tories : if he dispersed them they 
were in danger of being cut off in detail, and Greene always 
seemed to increase in audacity and determination after defeat. 
The British general, though flushed with a recent victory, 
declined the actiop which was offered him, and shortly after 
returned to Orangeburo:h. The union of the British forces 
there made them too strong to be assailed, and the mam 
body of the American army retired to the heights, beyond 
the Santee. The policy adopted here, was the same that 
had proved so successful at Camden. Partizan expeditions, 
under active officers, were sent out continually to interrupt 
the communications between Orangeburgh and Charleston. 
Sumpter and Marion, and Lee's legion, did excellent service, 
captured convoys, broke up posts, made prisoners, and harass- 
ed detachments with which they were not strong enough 
to engao;e. 

Lord Rawdon soon after returned to England, and was 
succeeded in the military command of the province by 
Colonel Stuart. Before his departure, however, he staineo 
his otherwise gallant reputation with an act of lawless se- 
verity and unrelenting cruelty, in the execution, without 
trial, as a traitor, of a distinguished American officer and 
gentleman. On the capture of Charleston by Cornwallis, 
Colonel Isaac Hayne was among those who tendered his 
parole, and was offered the alternative of going to prison, or 
becoming a British subject. His family were ill with the 
small-pox, and needed his tenderest attentions. He accord- 
ingly made the requisite declaration of allegiance, stipulating 
with the British general, and receiving the assurance that 
he should not be called upon to bear arms in the royal ser 
vice, and returned to his plantation. In breach of this stipu 
lalion he was repeatedly summoned to bear arms, and con- 
stantly refused. When the British were driven from the 
country between the Edisto and Stono Ferry, where his 
residence was, he considered the inability to protect as a 
discharge of the obligation to obey, and repaired to the 
American camp. He was chosen colonel of a regiment, and 
in an action with the British, was taken prisoner. Without 
the formality of a trial, he was summarily ordered to execu- 
tion, on the mere repoit of a court of inquiry. The petitions 
of the inhabitants of Charleston, in mass, for his life, — the 
prayers of children, the remonstrances of many loyalists, 



332 HISTORY OP THE 

were in vain. The ruthless order was carried into effect. 
Colonel Hayne was hanged on the 4th of August, display- 
ing, in his last moments, the serenit}' and fortitude of a mar- 
tyred patriot. 

The odium of this execution fell upon the whole British 
interest. Tories — and few States had a greater proportion 
than South Carolina — could not defend it, and it infuriated the 
whigs. Greene, from his camp on the Santee hills, issued 
an indignant proclamation, threatening vengeance and re- 
taliation, and the excited feeling stimulated the army to 
active efforts. Making a circuitous march of seventy miles 
to cross the Wateree and Congaree rivers, the Americans, 
strengthened by Pickens, Henderson, and Marion, with their 
divisions, marched down the south side of the Congaree, to- 
wards the enemy. The British retired as Greene approach- 
ed, and took up a position at Eutaw Springs, forty miles 
below, and about sixt^- miles north of Charleston. Here 
the}' made a stand, and the battle of Eutaw, by which the 
war in South Carolina was closed, was fought on the 8th of 
September. 

The American army, two thousand strong, advanced 
early in the mornino: of that day, to attack the 
British in their camp. They moved in two lines — 
the first conn)osed of the North and South Carolina militia, 
commanded by Marion and Pickens, and the second, of the 
regulars, commanded by General Sumner and Colonels 
Campbell and Williams. Lee, with his legion and the 
South Carolina State troops, covered the flanks, and Wash- 
ington, with his cavalry, was a corps of reserve. The enemy 
received them in two lines, drawn up obliquely across the 
road, on the heights, and well defended by artillery. The 
Americans continued to fire and advance with intrepidity, 
against the discharge of the artillery, until the contending 
ranks met, almost hand to hand. Both sides fought firmly 
and resolutely. The order given by Williams and Campbell 
to the American regulars to charge with trailed arms, was 
promptly obeyed, and the attack bore down all before them. 
Lee, with his cavalry, turned the left flank, and Washington 
fell fiercely upon the right. The British line was broken 
and the new troops among them fled precipitately. The 
veteran corps received the assailants firmly, and an obstinate 
ind most bloody struggle was maintained for some time, 
hand to hand, till, overpawered, the whole British force was 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 333 

driven off the field. The Americans pursued hotly, and 
took five hundred prisoners. The battle appeared com- 
pletely won, when the English regulars took post in a large 
brick house, and a picketted garden. Some of them rallied 
in some thick shrubbery. In these advantageous positions 
they made a resolute defence, and all efforts to dislodge 
them, even with the aid of six pieces of artillery, were in 
vain. The cavalry were repulsed at all points in their at- 
tempts to penetrate the garden and the wood, and Colonel 
Washington was wounded and taken prisoner. The fire from 
the house produced a dreadful carnage. The rest of the 
English had time to rally and advance, upon which General 
Greene, unwilling to repeat the desperate attack upon the 
posts thus firmly defended, drew off his army, and retired 
to the ground he had occupied in the morning. He carried 
with him his wounded and the prisoners. The British re- 
mained on the field, but, on the next evening, withdrew to 
Monk's Corner. 

This battle was one of the most sanguinary fought during 
the Revolutionary war, considering the numbers engaged. 
On both sides, the most resolute valor was displayed. The 
ranks were for some time mingled together, and the officers 
fought hand to hand. The American loss was five hundred 
and fourteen killed, wounded, and missing; the British re- 
ported theirs at six hundred and ninety-three. General 
Greene estimated it much higher. Colonel Stuart, in re- 
treating, left a thousand stand of arms upon the field. 

The battle of Eutaw Springs closed the Revolutionary war 
in South Carolina. The British, after delaying awhile, re- 
tired to Charleston, abandoning the state to the mastery of 
the republicans, without further eflbrt, except a few ravaging 
and plundering expeditions, which only injured individual 
property. Greene established posts to keep the enemy in 
check, and thenceforth the power of Great Britain was not 
acknowledged beyond Charleston Neck. Congress passed 
the highest encomiums upon the general and army who had 
won the battle of Eutaw, and, as a most fitting token of 
the estimate they placed on the genius and services of 
Greene, presented him, in the name of the nation, with one 
of the captured standards, and a gold medal struck in honor 
of the victory. 

The conduct and issue of the campaign, of which that 
victory was the consummation, are justly esteemed among 



33i HISTORY OF THE 

the most brilliant in the military history of the war. The 
American general entered the State with a beaten, dispirit- 
ed, and almost destitute army, and he found the country in 
the possession of a superior force, entrenched in a strong 
chain of well garrisoned and fortified posts. He broke 
through them, — captured them in detail, drove the detach- 
ments, one by one, before him, and, though several times 
foiled and repulsed in the field, found such resources in the 
energy of his character and the fertility of his genius, that 
he was always formidable when defeated, and persevered till 
he closed the campaign, by cooping up the enemy in a 
single city, and restoring three States to the American 
Union. Savannah and Charleston were the only foothold 
left to the British, who had, in April, been masters of 
Georgia and South Carolina, and held North Carolina at 
their mercy. Well did Nathaniel Greehe, the Rhode Island 
blacksmith, merit the title which he received of the Liberator 
of the South. 

Virginia, in the mean time, was the theatre of important 
operations, all tending to the final issue of the war. Corn- 
wallis, on his junction with the army of Phillips at Peters- 
burg, on the ilOth of Mav, subsequently strengthened from 
New York, commenced offensive operations to subdue Vir- 
ginia. La Fayette, with his little army, was posted beyond 
the James river. Baron Steuben had not been able to join 
him, and the reinforcements, under Wayne, composed of 
the Pennsylvania militia, were not arrived. As Cornwallis 
advanced, La Fayette could do no more than watch him at 
a careful distance. Neither the celerity of movements, nor 
the military artifices of the British general, could draw the 
wary Frenchman into a battle with such odds. By a series 
of masterly manoeuvres, he disappointed all the efforts of 
Cornwallis to intercept him, and formed a junction with 
General W'ayne at Raccoon Ford. In the interim, two de- 
tachments were sent out by the enemy against important 
places in possession of the Americans, — one under ('olonel 
Simcoe, to seize a quantity of stores, which were at Point 
of Fork, at the confluence of Rivanna and Flavanna rivers, 
guarded by Baron Steuben, with four to five hundred new 
levies.-— and the other under Tarleton, to Charlotteville, to 
capture the governor and legislature of the Stale. Both 
succeeded in part. Steuben carried off his men and part of 
bis stores in safety, the rest fell into the hands of the enemy 



AMERICAN REVOtUTION. 335^ 

Tarleton reached Charlotteville with such despatehy that 
Governor Jefferson escaped with some difficulty. Several 
members of the House of Delegates were made prisoners, 
and stores to a considerable amount were destroyed. la 
these expeditions, all the stores and tobacco on the route 
were also destroyed ; the granaries of private individuals 
were included in the general devastation, and immense 
quantities of private property laid waste. 

The American stores deposited at Richmond had been re- 
moved for safety to Albemarle Court House. By the delays 
incident to the junction of La Fayette with Wayne, Com- 
waUis had been enabled to get nearer to this depot than the 
American army. Both armies were anxious to push towards 
this point, and Cornwallis was sanguine in the belief that he 
should be able to intercept La Fayette, on the road by which 
the latter must march to reach Albemarle. He accordingly 
held back the detachments designed for the expedition, and 
waited for the Americans at Jefferson's plantation. La 
Fayette had the address to escape the toils. In the night he 
caused an old road, that had fallen into disuse, to be opened 
and cleared, and, on the next day, June the 18th, to the 
mortification of Cornwallis, the Americans were strongly 
interposed between him and the Court House, Unable to 
advance, he fell back upon Richmond. La Fayette followed 
him guardedly, and, having been reinforced by Baron Steu- 
ben and his levies. Colonel Clarke, with his riflemen, and 
the militia of the neighborhood, he made a show of in- 
clination to give battle. Cornwallis took no advantage of the 
offer, but, after delaying a few days at Richmond, retired 
again towards the coast with his whole army, continuing, 
as he went, to destroy indiscriminately public and private 
property. More than two thousand hogsheads of tobacco 
alone were burnt in this march. He entered Williamsburg 
on the 25th June. There he remained until the 4th July ; on 
that day, having received orders to take a position by which 
he could reinforce the Commander-in-chief at New York, 
then apprehending an attack upon that city by the combined 
forces of Washington and Roehambeau, he broke up his 
camp at Williamsburg and retired towards Portsmouth. 
Nothing but light skirmishings between the armies occurred 
at Williamsburg. On the march to Portsmouth, a smart ac- 
tion took place at the James river. La Fayette thought the 
main body of tbe e&emy had crossed the river, and ad* 



Aug. 23d. 



^fe HISTORY OP THE 

vanced to attack the rearguard. He unexpectedly found 
himself engaged with the main body, and was 
obliged to draw off his men from the unequal con- 
test with some loss. The river was crossed safely on the Oth, 
but, on examination, Portsmouth was pronounced not to be 
a proper station for the joint force, and, by the advice of 
engineers, Yorktown and Gloucester Point were selected as 
the best positions. After destroying the works at Portsmouth 
the whole British army moved to those stations, on 
the 23d of August, and Cornwallis applied himself 
to fortify them in the strongest manner. His immediate haste 
to reach the coast had been caused by an order from Sir Henry 
Clinton to send three thousand of his troops to New York, — 
an order which was countermanded on his arrival there, an 
equal number of German troops having arrived in the mean 
time from Europe, to strengthen the army of Clinton. The 
army of Cornwallis, on entering Yorktown, consisted of from 
eight to nine thousand, principally veteran troops. 

On intelligence of this disposition of the British force. La 
Fayette took post in the county of New Kent. 

The adverse armies, so unequal in number and equip- 
ments, remained in this position for some weeks. In that 
interval militaiy combinations were brought to bear together, 
by which the scale was made to predominate on the other 
side. Skill and fortune happily timed the arrival of the 
French fleet from the West Indies, the junction with it of 
the French fleet from Newport, and the successful issue of 
the manoeuvres of Washington to deceive Clinton and pre- 
vent him from succoring Cornwallis, or obstructing the march 
of the American army from the Hudson to Virginia, so as 
to concentrate resistless armaments by sea and land at this 
point, and surround and capture this powerful and dourishing 
army. 

These combinations were directed by the genius of Wash- 
ington. The campaign in the North had originally been 
aimed at New York. All the military operations of Wash- 
ington and Rochambeau tended to that point. The posses- 
sion of the city was a great prize, for which the American 
general was willing to risk much. The despatches brought 
from France by the Count de Barras, who had been ap- 
pointed to succeed De Temay as admiral, gave intelligence 
of the sailing of the Count de Grasse, with a large French 
squadron, destined, after performing a certain service in the 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 337 

West Indies, to proceed to America to co-operate with 
Washington. This determined the plan of operations. De 
Grasse was expected in the month of August. The allied 
generals, in a conference held at Wethersfield, agreed to lay 
siege to New York, in concert with the expected fleet. A 
junction was accordingly formed early in the month of July, 
between the troops of Washington, and the French troops 
from Newport. The Americans marched down from their 
encampment at Peekskill, and united with the French un-, 
der.Rochambeau,at Dobbs' Ferry. The Commander-in-chief, 
proceeded to prepare for active operations, which he hoped 
to commence by the middle of July, or the first of August. 
But the tardiness of the recruiting service again arrested his 
movements, and other obstacles intervened. The garrison 
of Clinton, reinforced by the late arrivals from Europe, 
counted ten thousand men, while the Americans did not 
exceed five thousand regulars, with about an equal number 
of mihtia, upon whom little reliance could be placed in a 
siege. The French troops and fleet made the numbers 
up to a very respectable force, but by no means such as 
could make the event certain. The chief reliance was 
on the assistance of Count de Grasse, and his immense 
armament, consisting of twenty-five ships of the line, and 
three thousand soldiers. About the middle of August intel- 
ligence was received that De Grasse had sailed from the 
West Indies, and that his destination was the Chesapeake. 
An entire change of plan was the result, and the whole skill 
and energy of the Commander-in-chief were exercised in 
directing the movements of the several distinct and dif- 
ferent armaments, so as to concentrate them at once against 
Yorktown, where Cornwallis was encamped ; and at the 
same time so to mask his designs as to prevent Sir Henry 
Clinton from uniting his forces with those of Cornwallis. 
His plans were wisely taken and ably executed. Circum- 
stances beyond the control of any calculations favored the 
enterprise, and distant bodies of men and squadrons, sepa- 
rated thousands of miles, moved with the precision of a 
chessboard. 

The show of making an attack upon New York was still 
kept up by labored demonstrations in various quarters. Re- 
ports of the expected arrival of De Grasse to besiege the 
city were industriously spread. Letters confirming this 
were written to be intercepted. The British works were 
2F 



338 HISTORY OP THE 

reconnoitred constantly, and plans taken even under the 
fire of batteries by the American engineers. Some of the 
French troops were advanced to the opposite side of Staten 
Island, as though to communicate with and aid the besieging 
ships. Batteries were established, and other preparations of a 
permanent kind made, so as to impress Clinton with the con- 
viction that a joint and general attack was to be made upon 
the city. Having thus completely baffled the sagacity of the 
British commander-in-chief, Washington waited anxiously 
for the time at which he computed De Grasse would reach 
the Chesapeake. He then left his camp, and turning sud- 
denly South, crossed the Croton and the Hudson, 
and pushed on rapidly through New Jersey, when 
he paused for further intelligence of the fleet. The report 
had been carefully encouraged that this movement was but a 
feint to draw the British into the open field, and, still de- 
ceived, Clinton lost the opportunity of arresting or molesting 
the progress of the allied army. Washington, receiving in- 
telligence of the near approach of De Grasse, no longer 
hesitated, but crossing the Delaware pushed on v.'ith rapidity 
through Pennsylvania, and reached the Elk river, at 
the head of the Chesapeake, on the 2oth of August. 
As soon as the bewildered English general was persuaded of 
the real purpose of this march, instead of promptly rein- 
forcing Cornwallis, he thought to recall the Americans, or 
profit by their absence, by striking a blow at the defenceless 
coast of Connecticut. Arnold was placed at the head of this 
marauding detachment, a fit instrument for such deeds of 
violence and rapine. When Corn\\^llis took command of 
the combined troops at Petersburg, in May, Arnold had 
obtained leave to return to New York, and now seized the 
opportunit}^ of heading a plundering expedition into his na- 
tive state. New London was the point aimed at. It wastaken, 
sacked, and pillaged. The defences consisted of a fort on 
the Groton side, garrisoned by Lieutenant-colonel Ledyard, 
and one hundred and sixty men. The party which assauUfid 
this fort was commanded by an ofticer named Eyre. The gar- 
rison was overpowered after an obstinate resistance, in which 
Eyre and his second in command were killed. Ledyard 
finally surrendered his sword to Major Bromfield, who in- 
stantly plunged it in the heart of the prisoner, and the 
bloody example was followed so mercilessly, that nearly 
every man of the garrison wa.s butchered. The Groton 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 339 

Massacre is another horrible stain on the British arms, and 
was fitly perpetrated under the lead of Arnold. He ravaged 
and laid waste the town in the spirit of a fiend, and return- 
ed to New York, loaded with curses and imprecations from 
a plundered and outraged community of his own early rela- 
tions and friends. 

This barbarous inroad did not serve the purpose of Clin- 
ton in checking the southern advance of Washington, or 
prevailing on him to weaken his troops by detaching any 
part of them to the defence of Connecticut. Without delay 
the allied armies pushed forward to Virginia, cheer- | 
ed by the intelligence that the Count de Grass had | ^" 
entered the Chesapeake with his squadron ; and blocking up 
the mouth of the bay and the York and James rivers, had 
effectually cutoff all communication with New York. Three 
thousand French troops, commanded by the Marquis de St. 
Simon, were landed from the fleet, and joined La Fayette 
in his camp, then at Williamsburg. By this reinforcement 
the danger of a sudden attack upon him by the superior 
force of Cornwallis, was happily removed. The American 
Commander-in-chief, with the French general Rochambeau, 
having provided for the transportation of the army down the 
Chesapeake, pushed on in person, and reached I 
WiUiamsburg on the fourteenth of September. ) "^p • • 
The plan of operation was immediately settled at an inter- 
view on board the French flag ship, the Ville de Paris. 
The whole body of French and American troops 
united at Williamsburg on the twenty-fifth of Sep- '^^ ' 
tember, where they were joined by a detachment of Vir- 
ginia militia, commanded by Governor Nelson. A few days 
of repose were allowed, when the siege ofYorktown was com- 
menced. 

The other branches of the American plan of action, suc- 
ceeded not less perfectly, and with equal fortune. The 
French fleet at Newport had been also ordered to rendez- 
vous at the mouth of the Chesapeake, and join that of De 
Grasse. Count de Barras accordingly sailed with five ships 
of the line, and numerous transports, laden with arms, am- 
munition, and implements for the siege, in which the army 
before Yorktown was deficient. But danger was in the way 
of Barras. Admiral Graves, with a much superior British 
force, was at New York, and Admiral Rodney, informed of 
the movements of De Grasse, but not believing that the 



340 HISTORY OF THE 

whole French fleet would accompany him, had sent Sir 
Samuel Hood, with fourteen line of battle ships, to the 
American coast. Hood arrived at the Capes of Virginia be- 
fore de Grasse, and finding no enemy there, pursued his 
way to New York, and joined Admiral Graves, who, as 
senior othcer, took command, and sailed to intercept de 
Barras, and engage de Grasse. On the twenty-fourth of Sep- 
tember he came in sight of the French squadron, 
"^ '~ ' at anchor in the Chesapeake, and though inferior 
in the number of ships, offered them battle. The French 
admiral slipped his cables and stood out to sea. His policy 
was to employ the British fleet, in manccuvring for battle, 
without coming to a decisive action, until the convoy of De 
Barras could safely enter. The scheme succeeded. A par- 
tial battle took place, and, for four or five days, the two 
fleets were in sight of each other; the French gradually 
withdrawing from the coast, but avoiding a general engage- 
ment. Meanwhile, De Barras, who had stood far off to sea, 
and made a wide circuit to avoid the British fleet, passed 
safely into the bay, and De Grasse, having achieved his object, 
knowing that delay was fatal to the British, and, acting upon 
the plan of caution urged upon him by Washington, returned 
to the Chesapeake and re-anchored in his former position. 
Admiral Graves found the French fleet too strong to be at- 
tacked, and, his own damaged in the action; he accordingly 
returned to New York, leaving Cornwallis to his fate. The 
transports thus fortunately brought into the Chesapeake, 
were employed in bringing down the army of Washington 
from the Elk, and the artillery and tools which they brough 
were all important in the prosecution of the siege. 

The grand combination of fleets and armies in the Chesa- 
peake was thus complete. The joint land forces amounted 
to about seventeen thousand men, of whom thirteen thousand 
were regulars. The fleet was composed of twenty-nine sail 
of line of battle ships. There was no hope of escape for 
Cornwallis but in speedy succor from New York, and he 
pressed for it urgently, at the same time that he prepared to 
hold out as long as possible. He had chosen his position on 
the south side of York river, and strongly fortified it, as well 
as Gloucester Point, on the opposite side of the river. Arm- 
ed ships on the river, and batteries on the shore, defended 
the communications between their posts. The works at 
Yorktown, consisting of a range redoubts and field-works, 



Sept. 28. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 341 

were guarded by the main body of the army. Tarleton with 
about six hundred men occupied Gloucester. 

Every preparation being made, the allied armies 
moved down on the 28th of September to invest 
Yorktown. They drove in the British piquets and patroles, 
and encamped on the grounds assigned to them. On the 
north side of the river, the investiture of Gloucester Point 
was placed under the direction of the French General Choi- 
sie, with the French legion, under the Duke de Lauzun and 
General Weedon's brigade of militia. 

On the evening of the next day, Cornwallis committed 
what by military men has been considered the capital error, 
of withdrawing his men from the outposts, and retiring 
within the fortifications of the town. His reasons for this 
act met with opposition among his own officers, and cer- 
tainly were based upon a too sanguine reliance on the pro- 
mises of Clinton. On the 29th, intelligence was brought 
him, that the fleet at New York had been strengthened bj' 
(he arrival of Admiral Digby from England, with several 
ships of the line, and also by a ship and frigates from Rod- 
ney, in the West Indies. He was assured that a squadron 
of twenty-three ships of the line, with five thousand men, 
would sail to his relief from New York, by the fifth of Oc- 
tober. These assurances prevailed upon him to husband his 
own strength by not attempting to defend his outworks in 
detail. He thus narrowed the space of action for his troops, 
and limited most materially the time upon which he might 
calculate to protract the siege. He put his fate upon the 
literal compliance of Clinton with these assurances within 
the period assigned. On his withdrawal the allies 
advanced, and occupied the ground he had aban- "''^'" ' 
doned. No attempt was made, as the British general had 
desired, to carry the place by assault. A fortunate defence 
might have saved him. The allies were resolved to risk 
nothing; the great prize was secure within their hands, and 
they wisely abstained from trusting any thing to the chance 
of battle, their enemy's only hope. They proceeded with 
their works in regular form. Their artillery and 



stores were brought up, and on the night of the f '" ' ' 
sixth of October they broke ground, within a few hundred, 
yards of the British lines, without serious obstruction. The 
besieged labored hard to strengthen their own works, and 
their artillery was actively plied. X^e ba,tteries wero 
2F!i 



9fk HISTORY OF THE 

I opened from the lines of the besiegers on the ninth 
I and tenth of October, and kept up a brisk and con- 
tinued fire upon the town. Some of their shells passed into 
the harbour, and a frigate of 44 guns and a transport ship 
were burnt. 

On the tenth, tidings were received from Clinton, w'hich 
redoubled the anxieties of Cornwallis. The sailing of the 
promised succors had been unavoidably postponed to the 
l-2th. Doubts were intimated, whether from unforsccn casual- 
lies, they might not be even later in setting out. Clinton 
inquired further whether the besieged could not hold out till 
the middle of November, in which case he would make a 
diversion in their favour by land, and march to Philadelphia. 
This disheartening message destroyed the hopes of the 
beleagured army. Some of Cornwallis's officers renewed 
the advice given at the commencement of the siege, that he 
should cross to Gloucester Point ; and, keeping a check 
against pursuit by a strong rear guard, force his way to 
Philadelphia. This was a desperate proposal, and was de- 
clined. Cornwallis retained a feeble lingering expectation 
that his commander at New York would still be able to send 
him succors, ana resolved to defend himself to the last. 

The allied forces continued to advance their works with 
indefatigable industry. In carrying on their second parallel, 
it became necessary to reduce two of the redoubts, advanced 
on the left of the British, which annoyed the working parties. 
To excite a national emulation, the attack of one was en- 
I trusted to an American detachment, commanded 
' I by La Fayette, and of the other to a French de- 
tachment, commanded by the Baron de Viomenel. Both of 
the redoubts were gallantly carried at the point of the bayo- 
net ; and immediately included within the American parallel. 
No effort was made to retake them. 

The British general perceived that the completion of this 
parallel would make instant destruction to his remaining 
works, inevitable. To retard it, he projected a sortie in the 
evening of the 15th. A detachment, commanded by Colonel 
Abercrombie, penetrated into the American lines, 
captured two redoubts, and spiked a number of 
cannon. They were repulsed and driven in by the Viscount 
de Noailles, and the cannon restored to service. The next 
day the batteries were finished and mounted. Nearly a 
hundred pieces of heavy ordnance were brought to bear on 



Col. I5tli. 



AMBRICAX REVOLUTION. 343 

the Biitish works with such effect, that the walls were shat- 
tered, the ditches filled with the ruins, the fortifica- J 
tions dismounted, and the whole town made so | 
utterl}'^ defenceless as not to be able to show a gun in defence. 
This incessant and terrible cannonading left Cornwallis no 
alternative but immediate submission or escape. Hopeless 
as was the latter effort, he determined to risk it; and on 
the night of the 16th, commenced crossing to Gloucester 
Point, with the design of pushing at once against General 
Choisie, siezing his stores and horses, and while the body 
of the American army was detained south of the river by 
the want of boats to cross, pressing into the interior, aiming 
'or Philadelphia and New York. One part of his army had 
oeen ferried over on this bold and desperate plan, when a 
violent storm arose, dispersed his boats and prostrated his 
last hope. The surrender of the post became inevitable, 
particularly as morning disclosed several new batteries which 
had Ifeen opened from the American lines. Submitting to 
necessity, he asked a suspension of arms for twenty- 
four hours. Two hours were granted for the pur- 
pose of receiving the proposals, on which the besieged were 
willing to capitulate ; and those being such as to satisfy 
Washington of the speedy settlement of the terms, the truce 
was continued. On the next day. Viscount de Noailles, and 
Colonel Laurens, on the part ofthe allies, and Colonel I 
Dundas and Major Ross, on the part of Cornwallis, ( *^ ' 
adjusted the articles, to be submitted to the Commanding 
Generals. Washington transmitted them to Cornwallis on 
the morning of the 19th, with a letter expressing his expec- 
tation that they would be signed by eleven o'clock, and the 
garrison be delivered by two P. M. All the efforts of t e 
British General to obtain terms for the American loyali ts 
failed^ Washington referred their fate exclusively to the 
civil authorities. The request that the captured soldi rs 
might be returned to Europe on their parole, not to serve in 
America during the war, was also declined, because it wo Ui 
leave them at liberty to serve in garrisons at home. Tne 
most that was yielded on that point was, that Cornwallis 
might dispatch a sloop of war, the Bonetta, to New York;, 
without search, carrying such persons as he should designat e, 
he being accountable for the vessel as a prize, and the num- 
ber of persons as prisoners of war. Many of the Tories who 
were most obnoxious to popular resentment, availed them- 



344 HISTORY OF THS 

selves of this opportunity. The capitulation was accordingly 
signed, and at the time appointed, the posts of Yorktown and 
19 1 I GJloucester were surrendered to the army of Wash- 
I ington, and the shipping in the harbour to the fleet 
of De Grasse. The same formalities were observed in the 
surrender of the troops as had been prescribed by Cornwallis 
to Lincoln, on the surrender of Charleston. To make the 
parallel more close, Lincoln was appointed to receive the 
submission. Cornwallis avoided the embarrassing interview 
by constituting General O'Hara his representative. 

The number of prisoners, exclusive of seamen, was 7,073, 
of whom 3,000 were unfit for dut)' — sick, or wounded. The 
British loss during the siege in killed, wounded, and missing, 
was reported at 553: of the Allies about 300. A large 
quantity of cannon, chiefl}' brass, fell into the hands of tho 
Americans ; two frigates and twenty transports, with their 
crews, into the hands of the French. 

On the same day that Cornwallis surrendered, Sir Henry 
Clinton sailed from New York with a large armament of 
land and sea forces ; the former of which amounted to 7,000 
men, and arrived before the Chesapeake on the 24th. The 
succour came too late, and he immediately returned to New 
York. 

The victorious Allies separated soon after the surrender. 
De Grasse was under orders from his go^■ernment to return 
to the West Indies. Count Rochambeau and his troops were 
cantoned in Virginia. The Pennsylvania and Maryland 
brigades were put under the command of General St. Clair, 
and dispatched to the south to the army of Greene, and the 
remainder of the American force, commanded by General 
Lincoln, returned to New York, and resumed their position 
in the Highlands of the Hudson. Washington repaired to 
Philadelphia. 

The victory over Cornwallis was in effect the conclusion 
of the war. It prostrated the British power upon the con- 
tinent, and recovered the Avhole country to the Union. 
Thenceforth the enemy was confined to a few posts on the 
coast, the cities of New York, Charleston, and Savannah, and 
reduced to merely defensive measures. Their hold on the 
States was for ever gone. Hostilities were protracted lan- 
guidly through another season; but the capture ofasecond 
British army, of such magnitude, and under a general of so 
much ability and reputation, confirnaed the ladepeadence of 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 345 

the States beyond further dispute, and annihilated every 
British hope of regaining the colonies by war. 

The victory was therefore hailed with great rejoicings and 
triumphal celebrations, from one end of the continent to the 
other. On the day after the capitulation, General Washington 
ordered all those who were under arrest to be pardoned 
and set at liberty ; and announced the performance of divine 
service on the 21st, in the different brigades and divisions, 
recommending that "all the troops do assist at it with serious 
deportm.ent, and that sensibility of heart which the surprising 
and particular interposition of Providence in our favour, 
claims." Congress, on receiving the official intelligence, 
went in procession " to return thanks to Almighty God for 
the signal success of the American arms," and appointed the 
L3th of December as a day of public thanksgiving and prayer. 

Thanks were solemnly voted to the General-in-chief, the 
Commanders of the French fleet and army, and to the Allies 
generall3\ It was resolved to erect a marble column at York- 
town, bearing appropriate emblems of the allied powers, and 
the victory. Two stands of colours were presented to Wash- 
i..gton, and two field pieces to Rochambeau. 

From the states, cities, corporate bodies, and various public 
vnstitutions, affectionate congratulatory addresses were pre-, 
sented in great numbers to the illustrious Commander-in- 
chief 

La Fayette, soon after the surrender of Cornwallis, ob- 
tained leave to return to his native country. Coming to 
America in her deepest adversity, and having borne a 
conspicuous part in her trials and reverses, he left her, 
finally, after a victory in which he shared some of the 
highest honours, and which secured the liberties of his 
adopted country beyond the power of her enemies. His 
zeal for the cause of American Independence, his eminent 
services in the field and in the cabinet, received, at the time, 
warm acknowledgments from Congress and a grateful people ; 
and have made him, through a long life of usefulness and 
glory in another hemisphere, the object of enthusiastic ad- 
miration and affection, to their descendants through three 
generations. 

Thus closed in triumph the year 1781. It opened in 
gloom, and terminated under brightened auspices: such as 
gave assurance of returning peace, and renewed promises 
of the blessings of established institutions and well regulated 



346 HISTORY OF THE 

libert)', Avealth and increase, order and law. of which the 
Independence that was now won was to be the fruitful parent. 
The prosecution of these advantages at home and abroad, 
so as to assume a proper attitude in the domestic preparations 
for defence, and to give dignity and efficiency to the rela- 
tions of the United States with foreign nations, occupied the 
immediate attention of Congress and the Commander-in- 
chief. The negotiations in Europe, soon manifested the 
general conviction of all the continental courts of the firm 
establishment of American sovereignty. Great Britain 
yielded her pretensions reluctantly at first, but policy soon 
taught her the usefulness of making her concessions as 
prompt and liberal as possible. A condensed view of the 
dispositions of the European belligerents to each other, and 
of each towards America, will show against what intrigues 
and diplomatic subtleties, the American negotiators con- 
tended successfully, to secure the fruits of the victory of 
Yorktown. 



AMERICAN RETOLTTTION. 31^ 



CHAPTER XV. 

The war between Great Britain and her ancient colonies, 
had now continued for six years ; and, in its progress, enemy 
after enemy had been added to the combination against her, 
until she might be said to be contending with the open or 
secret hostility of all Europe. Her fleets and armies were 
making successful head against France, Spain, and Holland, 
while a more extensive confederacy of all the maritime 
States, except Portugal, were under the countenance of the 
formidable Empress of Russia, prepared to attack her naval 
superiority with their joint fleets. These hostile demonstra- 
tions were all subsequent to the American Revolution, and 
had their origin in that momentous event. It was not that 
revolutionary governments had found real favour in the 
eyes of these nations, or that any real sympathy was felt, 
beyond the bosoms of a few gallant individuals, for the 
oppressions or principles of the colonies. It was that the 
occasion was favourable for weakening the power of Britain, 
which, since the peace of 1763, had been the object of 
universal dread and jealousy. France and Spain, in par- 
ticular, besides the ancient hostility of the House of Bourbon 
to England, and their national dislike of the English, had lost 
by the preceding wars, a vast extent of territory, and numer- 
ous valuable islands. Pride and interest had been deeply 
wounded. The immense fleets of Britain rode triumphantly, 
and, it may be added, with offensive arrogance in every sea, 
and gave her commerce a superiority which provoked the 
secret dislike of every maritime power. Until the rupture 
with the colonies, so unwisely aggravated by the weak, and 
at the same time overbearing, policy of the ministry, the 
power of Britain was universally conceded ; and though 
the object of suspicion and dread, met with no serious or 
concerted hostility. Nothing but opportunity, however, was 
necessary to develope the secret anxiety of her ancient rival* 
and enemies, to check her aspiring ambition, and diminish 
her overshadowing superiority. That opportunity was af- 
forded by the civil dissensions between her and her American 
provinces; a portion of her empire regarded with particular 



348 HISTORY OF THE 

interest, not only from its intrinsic value as a great and grow* 
ing country, but from its peculiar situation with regard to the 
possessions of other nations, especially the French and Span- 
ish dependencies. The progress of the rupture was watched 
with the keenest anxiety, but with an evident desire to cripple 
the power of England, as much as possible, with as little 
encouragement to the principles and views of the Americans 
as was compatible with this leading purpose. It has been 
seen, in the course of this narrative, that state policy retarded 
all public expressions of favour to the American cause, even 
in France, the most zealous and interested rival of England, 
until they became necessary to her own particular views. 
Two years of obstinate Avarfare, amidst sufferings and re- 
verses of most disastrous omen, had not obtained for the 
Americans 'the countenance of the French government, 
until the capture of Burgoyne, on the one hand, and the 
altered tone of the British ministry on the other, displayed 
two alternatives ,as to the issue of the conflict, either of wliich 
would liave baffled the wishes of France. A reconciliation 
with the parent country on terms of liberal compromise, or 
the achievement of independence, without French succor, 
would have placed the Americans entirely out of the reach of 
French influence. The result was the alliance of February, 

1778, and the French war against England. The private 
views of France were postponed to the emergency of the 
crisis, but immediately renewed. Spain was made the agent 
for putting forward the same pretensions, as the price of her 
alliance, which had been advanced by France in her nego- 
tiations. Independence, which had been fully recognised 
by the French, was to be reduced in all other foreign recog- 
nitions, and made as little valuable as possible to tlie Ameri- 
cans, by limiting their territory within the narrowest possible 
limits. The proifered mediation of the Spanish Court, in 

1779, disclosed a concert of action on these points, between 
the two courts. Their intrigues to deprive the United Statcf- 
of the Eastern Fisheries, and the Western Territory, so as 
"to coop us up," in the language of Franklin, " within the 
AUeghanies," were prosecuted with pertinacity, and only 
foiled in the end by the steady firmness and sagacity of the 
American negotiators. The refusal of Congress to make 
these sacrifices was so displeasing to the Spanish Court, that 
they declined acceding to the treaties between France and 
the United States ; and, though waging war against Great 



AMEtltCAN REVOLUTION. 349 

Britain, in common with the Allies, neither acknowledged 
the independence of the States, nor furnished them aid. On 
the contrary, when applied to by INIr. Jay for assistance in 
discharging the bills drawn upon him by Congress, they 
demanded as a condition the acknowledgment of these 
claims. Upon these selfish views they insisted to the last, 
and stubbornly refused to acknowledge the New States, 
except at a cost to which they would in no event consent. 

As the other European nations joined in the general con- 
federacy against Britain, the same disposition to limit the 
extent and power of the United States was constantly mani- 
fested. The armed neutrality of 1780, was followed by 
another proffer of mediation between the belligerents. The 
Empress of Russia, the head of that coalition, offered herself 
as the mediatrix, and the Emperor of Germany was asso- 
ciated in the mediation. The offer was accepted by the 
belligerents in Europe, and Vienna appointed for the meeting 
of the Congress. The views of France were communicated 
to Congress in May, 1781, by the Chevalier de la Luzerne ; 
and his communications manifested the continued eagerness 
of his court to have entire control of these American ques- 
tions. The result of his representations to Congress had an 
important bearing on the final negotiations of peace at Paris, 
in 178;2, to be related hereafter. The mediation failed, 
because of the refusal of Great Britain to admit of the repre- 
sentation of the United States at the Congress, in any other 
character than that of revolted subjects ; in which opinion 
the imperial courts sided with the British cabinet. The 
Marquis De Verac, French Minister at Petersburgh, made 
known the determination of the courts to Francis Dana, the 
American Envoy at Petersburgh, in September, 1781. "The 
mediating powers understand," said he, " that your deputies 
shall treat simply with the British ministers, as they have 
already treated in America with the Commissioners of Great 
Britain, in 1778 — that the conclusion of their negotiations 
shall teach the other powers upon what footing they are to 
be regarded, and that their public character shall be acknow- 
ledged without difficulty, from the moment when the English 
themselves shall no longer oppose it." 

The appointment of Mr. Dana to Petersburgh, had given 
displeasure to the Empress, who declined receiving or re- 
cognizing him. Mr. Adams, to whom the principal share in 
these negotiations had been committed, peremptorily insisted, 

2G 



360 HISTORY OP THB 

■^om the first, upon a preliminary admission of American 
Independence, by the Congress, and as peremptorily refused 
to appear there in any other character than as the Minister 
of a free and sovereign people. Thus terminated, in 1781, 
this second European mediation. All parties except France, 
who was committed by her treaties, insisted on treating the 
Americans as lawful colonies of Great Britain, depending on 
her consent for their admission into the rank of independent 
nations. 

The Dutch, though by their commercial pursuits and 
their form of government, most disposed to form connexions 
with America, were, if not equally reluctant, not more 
prompt in their co-operation than the Spaniards. War was 
proclaimed by Great Britain against Holland, on the 20th of 
December, 1780. Mr. Adams, who, on the capture of Mr. 
Laurens, had proceeded to Holland, to complete the pend- 
ing negotiations, was unable, for a long time, to obtain a 
decisive answer. In April, 1781, he drew up a memorial 
to the States General, representing the condition and views 
of the American States, and the high inducements whicli 
existed for forming a political connexion between them and 
the Provinces of Holland. This memorial the States General 
declined receiving in an official manner, but the substance 
was communicated to the Provinces for decision. No ansvver 
was returned. Mr. Adams repeated his application in x\ugust, 
and at the suggestion of the French minister, proposed a 
triple alliance between France, Holland, and the United 
States, all th<en at war with England, of which the acknow- 
ledgment of the independence of the States by Holland was 
to be a preliminary condition ; and one of the articles was to be 
a joint stipulation not to lay down arms until it should be also 
acknowledged by Great Britain. The States General were 
still unprepared for this step, and their hesitation continued 
during the whole year. Not until the favourable change in 
America, by the campaign of 1781, the victories of Greene, 
and the capture of Cornwallis, was known in Europe, and 
the movements of party in England manifested an admis- 
sion of the hopelessness of recovering America, did even 
the Dutch add their public recognition of the American 
Independence to that of France. 

Such was the relation of the American States to their 
associates in the war, at the period of the surrender of York- 
town. One month before, Great Britain had haughtily re- 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 351 

fused to allow of any interference by other powers between 
her and her ''rebel subjects." That pretension had been 
admitted by all the European powers, not at open war with 
her, and was heartily discountenanced by none, except 
France. In the condition of their affairs, it was undoubtedly 
believed, that while they could not be conquered, nor per- 
suaded to return to a connexion with Great Britain, they 
would be content with a limited territory and such a quasi 
independence as the Swiss cantons enjoyed. The great 
point of dismembering the British Empire being gained, each 
of her rivals looked to securing his peculiar share of the 
spoils. The imposing position which the triumph at York- 
town enabled the Americans to assume, changed this aspect 
essentially. We shall shortly see, that with the prospect of 
peace which immediately followed, the acuteness of the 
American diplomatists enabled them to foil the intrigues of 
their allies, while the successes of their arms by bringing 
the British to terms, enabled them to use for their own 
benefit, the same national rivalries which had influenced the 
policy of the Bourbons. English jealousies of France and 
Spain were successfully empIo3'ed to prevent any aggran- 
disement of these powers, at the expense of the new States. 
These important changes in the relative position of the bel- 
ligerent parties, followed soon after the victory at Yorktown. 
The immediate effects upon the British, by which their 
subsequent policy was shaped, were the weakening of the 
ministry of Lord North, its final overthrow, and the forma- 
tion of a new administration upon the avowed principle of 
hostility to any further prosecution of the American war. 

A new parliament was opened on the 27th of November 
just after the intelligence of the defeat and capture of Corn* 
wallis had been received in London. The King's Speech 
showed no symptom of faltering in the determination to 
carry on hostilities for the recovery of America ; and the 
"unfortunate" fate of the "army in Virginia" was an- 
nounced as giving additional proof of the necessity for "a 
further vigorous, animated, and united exertion." The plan 
of opposition was not yet settled in the new House, and the 
customary vote of thanks was adopted. The downfall of the 
ministry was, however, nigh ; and the first attack was made 
on the 12th of December. A motion, introduced by Sir 
James Lowther, proposing to declare that " the war in North 
America had been hitherto ineiFectual to the purposes for 



389 HISTORY OF THE 

which it was undertaken, and that perseverance would be 
unavailing and also injurious to the country, by weakening 
her power to resist her ancient and confederated enemies," 
■v\as lost by a vote of '^-^O to 179, showing a considerable 
defection in the ministerial ranks. In the course of the 
debate, the Prime Minister announced that it was no longer 
in the contemplation of government to prosecute the war 
internally in America, but to concentrate the forces in a few 
ports to assist the operations of the fleets. The debate was 
renewed with acrimony several days afterwards, on the dis- 
cussion of the military estimates. General Conway, Mr. 
Fox, Burke, and Wm. Pitt, the second son of the late Earl 
of Chatham, distinguished themselves by the force of their 
language in denouncing the ministerial course towards 
America. The opposition daily gained strength, and during 
the recess of the holidays, a general plan of attack upon the 
administration was arranged. These efforts were now se- 
conded by addresses and petitions from the city of London, 
and other important places. Before the struggle Avas recom- 
menced, the American Secretary, Lord George Germaine, 
resigned his office, and was created a peer, by the title of 
Viscount Sackville. He was succeeded by Welbore Ellis, 
Esq., and it was further determined to send out Sir Guy 
Carleton, to supersede Sir Henry Clinton as Commander- 
in-chief in America. 

On the •2-Jd January, Fox opened the concerted assault 
I "P'^'^ ^^c administration, Avith a long and able 
j speech, reviewing the whole management of the 
war, and concluding with a motion for censuring the official 
conduct of Earl Sandwich, the First Lord of the Admiralty. 
On this grave question the ministry found themselves, in a 
full house, in a majority of only twenty-two votes — 205 noes 
to 163 ayes, for the vote of censure on Lord Sandwich. The 
gradual falling off of the ministerial majorities, encouraged 
the opposition to more direct efforts to put an end to the 
war, and defeat Lord North upon that question. On the 
"^-id of February, General Conway brought forward 
a motion to obtain the sense of Parliament on an 
address to his majesty "that the war might be no longer 
pursued for the impracticable purpose of reducing the people 
of America by force." Ministers resisted the motion with all 
their strength, and on the decision found themselves in a ma- 
jority of one vote — 101 noes to 193 ayes. There was no longer 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 353i 

any doubt of the fate of the administration : but the king's 
obstinacy required to be overcome by a distinct legislative 
expression of the popular wish. Accordingly, on the 27th 
of February, General Conway renewed his motion 
in a more explicit form, declaring that it was the " * 

opinion of the House of Commons, that " the farther prose* 
cution of offensive war on the continent of North America, 
for the purpose of reducing the revolted colonies by force, 
would be the means of weakening the efforts of this country 
against her European enemiea, and tend, under the present 
circumstances, dangerously to increase the mutual enmity, 
so fatal to the interests of Great Britain and America, and 
by preventing a happy reconciliation with that country, to 
prostrate the earnest desire graciously expressed by his 
majesty to restore the blessings of public tranquility." 

This motion, which virtually put an end to the M'ar, was 
carried against the ministry by a majority of nineteen — 2-34 
ayes to 215 noes : and it was farther resolved that the House 
should go in a body to present an address to his majesty 
to this effect. It was noted as an offensive circumstance, 
that when the House were admitted to offer this address to 
the throne, Benedict Arnold, the American traitor, stood at 
the right hand of the king. Lord Surrey, afterwards Duke 
of Norfolk, complained in Parliament of this indignity, as 
one that was "an insult to the House, and deserved its 
censure." 

The king's answer to the address was vague and unsatis- 
factory. His reluctance to yield any thing to the opposition 
was still manifest. He did not allude to the direct expres- 
sion of the sense of the House against the war, but expressed, 
in general terms, his determination to take such measures 
as should appear to him "conducive to the restoration of 
liarmony between Great Britain and the revolted colonies, 
so essential to the prosperity of both." 

The exulting Whigs were not content with this evasive 
answer. They accordingly persevered in asking for stronger 
pledges; and on the 4th of March, on motion of General 
Conway, it was resolved, without a division, that I „ ^ , 

,r^. -ij .,, .,' • i u- March 1. 

' Jrhis House will consider as enemies to his ma- | 
jesty and the country all those who should advise a prose- 
cution of offensive Avar on the Continent of North America." 
On the same day the appointment of Carleton to supersede 
Clinton in command, took effect. 



8M 



HISTORY OF THE 



Two such successive votes against the policy kept up by 
the ministry for eight years, were expected to compel their 
instant resignation. To the astonishment c^ the country, 
they still held on. The opposition determined to test the 
House directly, on a vote for a general censure of ministers. 
This was brought forward by motion made by Lord John 
I Cavendish, on the 8th of March. The debate 
I lasted until two in the morning. The ministerial 
party rallied and defeated this direct vote of censure, by a 
majorit}^ of ten, and adjourned the House to the loth. The 
interval was occupied in efFoits to divide the cqiposition, 
and form a mixed Cabinet, all of which failed. On the 15th, 
the Whigs returned to the attack. The motion was renewed, 
declariiis: that the House had "no further confi- 



March 20. 



dence in the ministers who had the direction of 
public affairs," which was again lost by a majority of nine 
votes — "l-il ayes and ^W noes. On the announcement of 
this division, notice was given that the same motion would 
be renewed on the '20th ; and as many of those who voted 
in the majority, were known to have done so from the un- 
certainty as to the new cabinet, rather than from preference 
to that of Lord North, the fate of the adniinistration was 
considered as sealed. So they understood it themselves : 
and when, on the 20th, the Earl of Surrey rose 
in a very crowded house to make the promised 
motion, Lord North interrupted him by announcing that the 
ministry was dissolved, and only held place until the king 
should have selected their successors. 

Thus terminated the administration of Lord North, during 
which the affairs of Great Britain had declined from a height 
of unexampled prosperity to almost inextricable confusion. 
It had been marked by a series of political disasters and 
blunders, which deprived the country of its richest foreign 
possessions ; and accumulated a load of debt and taxation, 
beneath which the nation groaned heavily. 

The Whigs, who had been for eight years contending 
against the American war, came immediately into power. 
The Marquis of Rockingham was placed at the head of the 
new administration, with the pledge to put an end to the 
war, at all events — even at the price of acknowledging 
American Independence. Lord Chancellor Thurlow alone, 
of the old administration, was permitted to retain his place. 
The early apd leading advocates of America were taken into 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 355 

the cabinet. Lord John Cavendish was made Chancellor of 
the Exchequer; Fox and the Earl of Shelburne, Secretaries 
of State ; Lord Camden, President of the Council ; the Duke 
of Grafton, Lord Privy Seal ; Burke, Paymaster, and GeneraJ 
Conway placed at the head of the army. This ministry, 
during its brief existence, laboured zealously to conclude 
peace. Overtures were at first made separately to the bellige- 
rents, to induce them to treat separately. This had been also 
the favourite policy of Lord North, with a view of dividing 
the strength of the adversaries of Britain. After the surren- 
der of Cornwallis, Mr. Hartley had been sent to Paris, to 
confer with Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin, on a projet for 
treating separately from France ; and at the same time, an 
agent was commissioned to sound the French minister upon 
a proposal to treat, independent of the Americans. This 
emissary was Mr. Forth, Secretary to Lord Stormont, re- 
cently British minister to France. Dr. Franklin states that 
the offers to the French were large : France was to retain 
all her conquests in the West Indies ; to reserve some pecu- 
liar advantages in the East Indies, and the British right of 
keeping a ('ommissary at Dunkirk was to be abandoned. It 
was further understood, that the restoration of Canada to the 
French would be acceded to, if required as an ultimatum. 
The ministers of both nations declined these proposals, as 
irreconcilable with their mutual engagements. The fall of 
the North administration, and the pacific principles upon 
which its successor was formed, renewed these efforts to 
separate the allies. 

Sir Guy Carleton, the new Commander-in-chief, arrived 
in New York on the 5th, and announced that he and Ad- 
miral Digby, the naval Commander-in-chief, were appointed . 
Commissioners by the new ministry to treat upon terms of 
peace with the United States. He communicated to General 
Washington the vote in Parliament abandoning the war, and 
the pendency of measures authorizing the king to conclude 
a peace or truce with the "-revolted provinces^' in North 
America. He requested a passport for his Secretary to 
Pfoceed to Congress as a bearer of these dispatches. Con- 
gress, before whom General Washington laid these papers, 
declined to negotiate without their allies, and refused the 
passport. This closed the efforts of the Commissioners in 
America, until they announced to General Washington, on 
the 2d of August, that the Rockingham ministry had deter- 



356 HISTORY OF THE 

mined in cabinet council to "offer America unlimited, un- 
conditional independence," as the basis of a negotiation for 
peace — that Mr. Grenville had been commissioned for that 
Durpose to treat with all parties in a general negotiation, 
»vhich had been agreed upon to be opened at Paris. 

This policy was adopted in the cabinet by the influence of 
the Marquis of Rockingham and his friends. The succeeding 
ministry, of which the Earl of Shelburne was the chief, 
acquiesced reluctantly, and the king was at all times exceed- 
dingly averse to it. 

Ministers soon after their appointment, about the same 
time that they sent Sir Guy Carleton to America, dispatched 
Mr. Richard Oswald to France, to confer witli the diplo- 
matic agents of the allied powers. It was found impractica- 
ble to separate them, and on the 18th of April, INIr. Oswald 
returned to London with a report of his mission. The British 
cabinet thereupon assented to a general negotiation, which 
assent was conveyed to Paris on the 4th of IMay, and Mr. 
Grenville soon after arrived there with a commission to treat 
with the king of France, and " any other prince or state 
whom it might concern." He informed Dr. Franklin ex- 
plicitly, that he was authorized to admit the Independence 
of the United States as a preliminary act. 

American Independence was formally acknowledged by 
Holland on the 19th of April ; and on the 2-2d Mr. Adams 
was received in the quality of " Ambassador from the United 
States of North Am.erica to their high mightinesses." Nego- 
tiations with Holland for treaties of commerce detained Mr. 
Adams in Holland, so that he was unable to take part in 
the important affairs at Paris, until the month of October. 

All parties had now consented to abandon the prosecution 
of the war, and the essential article of American Independ- 
ence was agreed upon, when the death of the Marquis of 
Rockingham, which took place on the 1st of July, broke up 
July 1st, the English cabinet, and embarrassed the progress 

'''"■-■ of the negotiations. The Earl of Shelburne became 
Prime Minister, and the Rockingham part of the cabinet, 
headed by Mr. Fox and Lord John Cavendish, seceded, — ■ 
upon the ground that the principles of the late Prime Minister 
in respect to American Independence, were abandoned. 
Lord Shelburne took early occasion to declare, in his place 
in Parliament, his continued repugnance to the acknow- 
ledgment of Independence. The difficulties which this 



July 20lb. 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 3S$ 

declaration created in the conferences at Paris, produced 
much delay in the conclusion of the Ti^eaty. Mr. Gren- 
ville was recalled from Paris, and Mr. Fitzherbert, th© 
British envoy at Brussels, was transferred to Paris, 
with a full commission to treat with France, Spain, 
and Holland. With him Mr. Oswald was associated, and 
information transmitted to him, that a commission was about 
to be issued to him, "to treat, consult, and conclude" with 
the Commissioners of " the American colonies or plantations, 
or with any body or bodies, corporate or politic, or any assem. 
bly or assemblies or descriptions of men whatsoever, a peace 
or truce with the said colonies or plantations, or any part or 
parts of them." The style of this commission, sufficiently 
indicates the altered disposition of the British Cabinet, and 
the lingering hope entertained that some arrangement might 
be made short of Independence. The inducements to 
Great Britain for receding from this position, are intimately 
connected with the relations between the Americans and 
their European allies. 

The basis of the proposed negotiation was admitted by 
all parties to be the treaty of 17G3. The rights of France, 
Spain, Great Britain, and America, under that treaty, and 
from the events of the existing war, to the territory west of 
the AUeghanies, to the navigation of the Mississippi, and to 
the eastern fisheries, were a keen subject of controversy 
between the new States and their allies. Connected with 
the controversy is the history of the diplomatic measures of 
the American Congress in respect to the terms of peace to 
be oflered to Great Britain, the powers to be granted to their 
commissioners in Europe, and the extent of the influence 
to be allowed to the French king, in directing the negotia- 
tion. The nature of the designs of the Bourbon powers on 
the subject of the West, has been already explained. The 
train of intrigues by which they succeeded in fettering the 
American commissioners at Paris, so that France claimed 
the right of being sole arbiter of the terms, and endeavored 
to model them to suit her individual profit, and that of Spain, 
requires a more particular notice. 

The proffered mediation of the king of Spain, between the 
three belligerents, in 17-79, produced the first discussion and 
settlement of the terms of peace, upon which Congress were 
willing to treat. France then interfered through M. Gerard, 
to lower their claims to Independence, and place tliem i9 



358 HISTORY OP THE 

the same relation as Geneva and the Swiss Cantons, and 
to procure a formal abandonment of the territorial and' 
other contested questions, for the purpose of securing the 
Spanish alliance. Congress, at that time, were iirm, and 
gave their minister instructions to insist upon the full 
acknowledgment of the United States as sovereign, free, and 
independent, as a preliminary article, and upon the Mississippi 
as the Avestern boundary. The fisheries were not made an 
ultimatum to the treaty, but Congress passed a separate 
declaratory resolution, affirming the right of the United 
States to the fisheries, and defining any attempt of the Bri- 
tish to molest them in that right, to be cause of war. The 
general direction to the minister, in all other matters, was, 
to govern himself by the alliance with France, the " ac/ujce" 
of the Allies, and his "own discretion." 

These , instructions did not meet the views of France. 
Spain, though she went to war with England, held back from 
the American alliance. The new French minister, Luzerne, 
in January of the next year, brought up the subject again, 
and obtained" a conference with a Committee of Congress, 
to represent " certain articles" which the Spanish king had 
represented to the French king as of "great importance to 
the interests of his crown, and upon which it was highly 
necessary that the United States should explain themselves 
with precision, and such moderation as might consist with 
their essential rights." It was demanded that the United States 
should expressly define their boundary, which was to extend 
no further than the settlements were permitted by the procla- 
mation of the British king, dated in October, 1703, the same 
which had been considered a grievance by the Colonists in 
that day; that their right to navigate the Mississippi should be 
renounced as untenable ; and the right of Spain acknow- 
ledged to hold the Floridas, if she conquered them, and the 
lands on the east of the Mississippi, to the limits defined in 
the British proclamation above mentioned, as territory be- 
longing to Great Britain, and not included within the States. 
This declaration made it evident, that France and Spain 
were anxious to annex to the Spanish territories, not only 
the Floridas on the south, but the whole of the immense 
country watered by streams running from the north and east 
into the Mississippi. Congress could not be brought to assent 
to these pretensions ; but the effect of the communications is 
to be seen in a further modification of their iijstructions t4 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 359 

Mr. Jay, at Madrid, directing him not to insist upon an 
express acknowledgment of the right of navigating the 
Mississippi : but, at the same time, not to relinquish it 
formally. No direct answer was given to the French minister 
on these points. A committee of Congress drew up an argu- 
mentative statement of their right to the western lands, for 
the direction of their envoys in Europe. The statement was 
from the pen of Mr. Madison, and bears date October 17th, 
1780. The modified instructions to Mr. Jay were adopted 
in January, 1781. 

In the month of May following, the proffered mediation 
of the Empress of Russia, and the Emperor of Germany, 
between the belligerents, was announced to Congress by the 
French minister. The terms of peace and the pow^ers of 
the Commissioners again became important points for deci- 
sion ; and Count Luzerne again pressed for the abandonment 
of the claims of the United States on the contested ques- 
tions. A Committee of Conference v/ith him was appointed 
by Congress, and the result of their interviews shewed that, 
with the exception of the single question of Independence, 
the court of France required to have exclusive control of 
the negotiations. The principal point urged by him was, 
the propriety of perfect and open confidence in the French 
ministers, and a thorough reliance on the king. He made 
strong complaints of the conduct of Mr. Adams, the plenipo- 
tentiary, and asked, explicitly, that a strict line of conduct 
should be drawn for that minister, "of which he might not 
be allowed to lose sight." The instructions which he 
desired Congress to give Mr. Adams were, " to take no step 
without the approbation of his majesty," and " to receive his 
directions from the Count de Vergennes, or from the person 
who might be charged with the negotiation in the name of 
the king." This demand was so comprehensive, that it was 
hardly deemed necessary to discuss the contested points. 
He simply endeavoured, in general terms, to impress upon 
the Committee the "necessity" Congress were under of 
securing the "benevolence and good will of the mediating 
powers," by presenting their demands with the " greatest 
moderation and reserve." 

This communication, essentially so arrogant, was not re- 
ceived by Congress with perfect complaisance. They refused, 
in the first instance, to appoint any additional commissioners 
as had been urged, and voted to continue Mr. Adams in the 



JJ60 HISTORY OF THE 

management of the negotiation. They abandoned, however, 
all the iiUinuda of previous instructions, except that of Inde- 
pendence, and inserted in the new instructions a direction 
to their minister to make " the most candid and confidential 
communications on all subjects" to the French ministers ; 
and " to undertake nothing in the negotiations of peace 
without their knowledge or concurrence." 

3n communicating these proceedings to the French 
minister, it was found that his views were not yet answered. 
An unlimited discretion in the American envoy, guided by 
French councils, was not sufficient. The sturdy indei^en- 
dence of Mr. Adams was still to be feared. The French 
court required a full control in all points except that of 
sovereignty, and more accommodating associates. 

The result of the conference of M. Luzerne, with the 
committee, was the insertion into Mr. Adams' instructions 
of a peremptory clause, after the direction to do nothing 
without the knowledge or concurrence of the French minis- 
ters, in the following words : " and tiUimately to govern your- 
selves by theb- advice and opinion.'" Every thing was now 
surrendered into the hands of the French ; and, to complete 
the concessions, a commission, consisting of John Jay, Dr. 
Franklin, Mr. Jefferson, and Henry Laurens, were associated 
with INIr. Adams, as plenipotentiaries for negociating a treaty 
of peace. The final adoption of these measures was on the 
15th of June, 17hL 

The imperial mediation failed, and the high stand assumed 
by Mr. Adams, on the occasion, confirmed the distrust with 
which the French ministers had regarded him. They had, 
however, gained their point, in being constituted exclusive 
managers of the negotiation. They were, however, as the 
issue proved, disappointed in tneir expectations of benefit 
from the change of agents. The commissioners were not 
less unbending than Mr. Adams, in their patriotism ; and 
finding themselves embarrassed by the toils in which Con- 
gress had been drawn by these intrigues, boldly broke 
through them. 

We are now prepared for a history of their immediate 
efTorts, when the arms of America and France had, by the 
victory at Yorktown, revolutionized the English cabinet, 
and brought Great Britain to the offer of a negotiation, 
in 17&2. In the spring of that year, the fortune of the war 
between Greit Britain auid her European allies, preponderated 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 361 

in her favour. Admiral Rodney, in the famous battle of the 
12th of April, in the West Indies, won a great naval victory 
over the fleet of De Grasse, in which the French fleet suffered 
prodigious loss, and the admiral was made prisoner. The 
successful defence of Gibraltar was not less glorious and 
profitable to the English in Europe. This variety of fortune 
placed the American interests on higher ground, in the pro- 
posed treaty. England was placed in such a situation, as 
to entitle her to refuse any advantages to her European 
antagonists, and it was made her manifest interest, to sustain 
American pretensions to territory in preference to those of 
France and Spain. 

These were the dispositions of the parties when, in July 
178'2, the commissioners assembled at Paris to settle the 
terms of a general peace. The Count de Vergennes, acted 
on behalf of France, Count de Aranda, for Spain, Mr. Fitz- 
herbert between Great Britain and her European enemies, 
and Mr. Oswald between her and the Americans; Dr. 
Franklin and Mr. Jay, the latter of whom had just arrived 
from Madrid, represented the United States. Mr. Lauren 
did not arrive until the business was completed, and Mr 
Adams was engaged until late in October, in settling a treaty 
with Holland. The long protracted negotiations with Spain 
were trsnsferred to Paris at the same time. 

The American commissioners soon found they had a most 
difficult task before them, embarrassed, as they were, by the 
instructions of Congress, placing them totally in the power of 
the French, and surrounded by intrigues for sacrificing the 
dignity and interests of their country, to the ambition of their 
own allies. Mr. Oswald's commission was, for some time, a 
means of arresting all proceedings. The American States were 
styled " colonies, or plantations," and the powers of the com- 
mission implied them to be still in a state of dependence on 
Great Britain. Mr. Jay denied the sufficiency of these powers, 
and insisted peremptorily on an explicit recognition of the 
Independence of the United States, before he would consent 
to treat. Dr. Franklin, at first, was willing to treat, waiving 
the poirk as a matter of form, but acquiesced, finally, in the 
judgment of his colleague. All the negotiations were 
suspended, on this point. The French minister favored the 
British view of the question, and urged Mr. Jay to proceed, 
without demanding to be held as the envoy of sovereign ia 
fact, before the conclusion of the treaty. Mr. Jay wai 

2H 



362 HISTORY OP THE 

unyielding, and a discovery which he made, that the French 
court had interfered directly with the British commissioners, 
with advice unfavorable to the extent of the American 
demands, strengthened his suspicions of the selfish purposes 
of the allies, and his determination not to descend from the 
gi'ound of perfect independence. The Count de Vergennes 
gave such information of the wishes of his court to Mr. Fitz- 
herbert, on this point, as to produce a pledge from the Bri- 
tish cabinet, in a new instruction to Mr. Oswald, of the 
intention to grant to America, " full, complete, and uncon- 
ditional Independence by article of treaty." These dis- 
patches Avere shown to the American ministers, as contain- 
ing all that they could desire, on the subject of Indepen- 
dence. But they thought otherwise ; and the agency of the 
French, in retarding the immediate acknowledgment of 
Independence, confirmed the fears produced by their move- 
ments made contemporaneously in another quarter. It was 
clearly the policy of France, in order to avail herself of the 
control vested in her over the terms of peace, that Inde- 
pendence should be a subject of negotiation, and the recog- 
nition of it by treaty one of the considerations, for which 
the coveted western lands should be made the price. If 
Great Britain abandoned, formally, in the act of treating, all 
right over her former colonies, the essential object of the war 
would be gained, and French and Spanish interests would lose 
their strongest claims for concession. While the pride and 
prejudices of the British cabinet were enlisted on one side, 
to postpone the admission of American Id dependence, the 
interval was sedulously employed in pushing the Spanish 
pretensions to the western lands ; first in conferences between 
Mr. Jay and the Count de Aranda, and subsequently by 
informd communications from M. de Rayneval, the Secre- 
tary of the French minister, to the American minister. In 
these interviews it became evident to Mj-. Jay, that the 
French and Spanish courts united in opinion, that the western 
limits of the United States ought to be agreed upon as pre- 
liminary to a negotiation for peace ; that these limits should 
not reach beyond the head of the streams that empty into 
the Mississippi from the east ; that the fate of the lands, 
without these limits, was to be determined between them 
and Great Britain to the exclusion of the United States: 
and that in regard to the fisheries, the United States should 
be limited to coast fisheries. ,. Sey^ra} boi^nd^ea we.,rp pro- 
Hli 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 363 

posefl, but that most liberal to the States, called by M. de 
Rayneval, the conciliatory line, would have left one half of the 
present state of Tennessee, nearly all Mississippi and Ala- 
bama, and all the land north of the Ohio, including the 
States of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, without the limits of the 
United States, 

With Count de Aranda, as with Oswald, Mr. Jay refused 
to negotiate without an exchange of commissions, with 
sufficient powers, and in consequence, these conferences 
were informal. The rights of the United States were reso- 
lutely maintained by the American minister, and he refused 
to treat, on all occasions, except on terms of perfect equality, 
and for the undiminished claims of his country. His firm- 
ness having foiled eveiy expectation of concession from the 
Americans on these points preliminary to negotiation, M. 
de Rayneval was dispatched on a secret mission to England, 
to confer with the British cabinet. The object of this jour- 
ney was believed to be, to inform Lord Shelburne, that France 
was satisfied with the offer of Britain to make American 
Independence contingent on the completionof the treaty, — to 
make overtures concerning a division of the fisheries between 
the two kingdoms, to the exclusion of the Americans, and to 
secure for Spain the western lands, and the exclusive west- 
ern navigation, in return for leaving Great Britain the whole 
of the territory north of the Ohio. 

To counteract these machinations, now became, in the 
judgment of Mr. Jay, indispensable to the interests of the 
United States. The essential point was to deprive the 
French of their influence over the question of Independence, 
by obtaining a spontaneous recognition from Great Britain. 
He declined acting with Mr. Oswald under his new instruc- 
tions, and represented to him the policy of making the 
United States perfectly independent of France. He drew 
up his objections in writing, which were acquiesced in by 
Dr. Franklin, and communicated informally to the British 
commissioner. When M. de Rayneval's mission to England 
was made known, Mr. Jay took upon himself the respon- 
sibility of sending a secret agent directly to the English 
minister. The purport of his mission was to explain the 
position assumed by the Americans on the subject of Inde- 
pendence, and their resolution never to abandon it ; and to 
represent the selfish policy which the two Bourbon courts 
were pursuing, and which it was the interest of Great 



364 HISTORY OP THE 

Britain, as well as the United States, to defeat. This promf 
measure effected the object. A few days brought a dispatch 
to jNIr. Oswald, announcing that the cabinet had "at once 
agreed to make the alteration in the commission proposed by 
J)t. Franklin and Mr. Jay." On the ^Tth of September, a 
^ I new commission was received, authorizing the 

Sept ^7 I . . . ^ 

"" ' I British negotiator to treat with commissioners on 
the part of the Thirteen " United States of North 
America." 

The American negotiators were thus placed in an advan- 
tageous position with respect to all parties, as the plenipo- 
tentiaries of sovereigns in fact, and released from all depen- 
dence on the French court in this most essential point. They 
resolved to prosecute their negotiations in the same temper, 
and being satisfied that the views of the French court were 
adverse to American interests, they agreed to disregard the 
instructions of Congress, and proceed to settle the terms of 
peace without communication with the French ministers. 
Mr. Adams completed a treaty with Holland, and joined the 
other commissioners on the ii3d of October. Approving of 
all they had done, in respect to the terms of peace, and in 
relation to the French court, he joined in the negotiation, 
which was brought to a close on the 30th of November. On 
-J I that day, a provisional treaty was signed by both 

I the parties, to take efiect whenever peace should 
be concluded between France and Great Britain. When 
all was agreed upon, the treaty was communicated to the 
Count de Vergennes. His dissatisfaction was distinctly 
expressed to Dr. Franklin, and the tone of his comments 
manifested very distinctly the disappointment of his court at 
being thus excluded from the benefit of controlling the 
terms of the treaty. The American commissioners, fortu- 
nately possessed sagacity and firmness enough to consult the 
interests of their own country, fearlessly, and encounter 
every responsibility to secure her just rights, as well against 
intrigues as against intimidation. 

By this treaty, the king of England admowledged, in terms, 
what had been admitted in the act of treating, the liberty, 
sovereignty, and independence of the thirteen United States, 
who were named successively. On the subject of boun- 
daries the amplest concessions were made, including 
within the limits of the United States, the vast territory 
north of the Ohio to the middle of the great lakes, and 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 365 

reaching to the Mississippi. The Americans were also 
secured in the right of fishing on the banks of Newfound- 
land, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and all other places where 
the two nations had been accustomed to carry on fishing 
before the rupture ; and they were to have liberty to fish on 
the coast of Newfoundland. The British commissioners 
labored anxiously for the introduction of a clause for the 
indemnification of the American loyalists, and the restora- 
tion of forfeited estates ; but the most that could be obtained 
was an agreement that Congress should recommend to the 
States the adoption of such measures ; Dr. Franklin, at the 
same time, frankly told jNIr. Oswald that there was no ground 
for expecting that the States would comply. He sarcasti- 
cally suggested a counter article of agreement, that the Bri- 
tish king should recommend to parliament to make compen- 
sation to the American Whigs, for the propert}^, houses, 
stores, ships and cargoes, towns, villages, and farms, destroyed 
and plundered by his soldiers in America. 

These provisional articles being agreed upon, the disputes 
between Great Britain and the United States were at an end, 
but the war, nevertheless, v.'as nominally continued. The 
terms of peace between the other belligerent powers, were 
not yet adjusted, and the Americans were bound to wait the 
event of the French negotiations. 

These negotiations were retarded by the violent opposition 
made in the British parliament to the course of the ministry 
in directing them. A coalition between the leading mem- 
bers of the late Rockingham cabinet, headed by Mr. Fox, 
and Lord North's party, assailed the Earl of Shelburne 
with such success as finally to drive him from power, and 
establish themselves in office. During the excited debates, 
which ended in this triumph, it was determined, as the 
sense of the house, that the votes against the ministry, for 
concluding peace on terms so disadvantageous, were not 
designed to express any intention to renew th§ war, or to 
recede from the provisional articles. The abandonment of' 
the American tories was especially reprobated, and parlia- 
ment voted to redeem the national faith, by making suitable 
provision for them out of the British treasury. While par- 
liament censured the minister for the extent of his conces- 
sions, they considered themselves bound to adhere to the, 
treaty, including preliminary articles which were in progress, 
and had been agreed upon with France. 
2H3 



April 19. 



B06 HISTORY OF THE 

Jan 20 j These preliminaries were finally signed on the 

1783. I ooih January 178:3, at Paris, by Mr. Fitzherbert, 
on the part of Great Britain, and Count de Vergennes, as 
the French minister plenipotentiary. 

The definitive treaties were not oflScially signed and 
ratified, until the completion of the Spanish treaty with Eng- 
land. The plenipotentiaries, however, agreed upon a sus- 
pension of arms. This was communicated to Congress on 
the 2^i\h March, by a letter from General Lafayette, and 
orders were instantly issued for recalling American priva- 
teers, and arresting all hostile operations. A proclamation 
was issued on the 11 th of April, in the name of " the United 
States of America in Congress assembled," declaring this 
cessation of arms ; and on the 19th of April, the 
eighth anniversary of the battle of Lexington, in 
•which the first blood of the revolution had been shed, peace 
was proclaimed in the American army. 

The independence of the United States was acknow- 
ledged by Sweden, on the 5th of February ; by Denmark on 
the ^2oih of February ; by Spain on the 21th of March ; and 
by Rusola in July. Treaties of amit}^ and commerce were 
severally concluded with these powers. 

The definitive treaty of peace, was finally signed at Paris 
I on the 3d day of September, by David Hartley, who 
^^ ' "" I had been appointed to succeed Mr. Oswald on the 
change of ministry, for Great Britain, and John Adams, Ben- 
jamin Franklin, and John Jay, on the part of the United 
States. At the same time definitive treaties were signed by 
the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, with those of France, 
Spain, and Holland, respectively, and a general peace was 
re-established among all the belligerents. 

While these negotiations were carried on abroad to such 
a triumphant result, the military operations of the hostile 
troops in the States were few, and finally by common con- 
sent, the war settled down into entire inaction, even before 
the proclamation for a cessation of arms, on the conclusion 
of the preliminary treaty. 

In the southern department of the United States, General 
Greene, at the close of the year 1781, occupied the hills 
beyond the Santee, from which he descended to keep in 
check the British, who occupied Charleston city. In Janu- 
ary 1782, he was joined by the brigades, under St. Clair, 
sent from the army at Yorktown, and took post on the Edisto 



July 11th. 

desire to 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Sfff 

Aver, about fifty miles from the city. The condition of his 
army. there was very deplorable. Their distresses from want 
of pay, provisions, and clothing, rose to such a height, that a 
mutiny, in the Pennsylvania line, broke out, and was only 
quelled by force and the execution of the ringleader. These 
difficulties kept the army from undertaking any active mea- 
sures, during the summer, in South Carolina. 

Savannah was still in possession of the British, in consi- 
derable force, commanded by General Clarke. General 
Wayne, with a part of the American army, was detached 
into Georgia, to operate against that post. On the 19th of 
May, he encountered and defeated a party of the British, 
sent out to cover the advance of some Indian allies, and 
drove them with loss into the city. A few weeks afterwards, 
he defeated the Indian succors, marching from the Creek 
nation into Savannah. These skirmishes closed the war in 
Georgia. The British immediately afterwards determined 
upon evacuating Savannah. The merchants made 
terms with General Wayne for the protection of 
their property, and the security of those who might 
adhere to the British. The garrison embarked on the 11th 
of July, and General Wayne occupied the city on the same 
day.^ 

After the recovery of Savannah, General Wayne joined 
General Greene, with his force, and the joint army moved 
towards Charleston. The British army were by their orders 
confined to defensive operations entirely, and were prepar- 
ing to evacuate the city. Unhappily, in the correspondence 
oetween the commanding generals on the subject of pur- 
chasing supplies for the British, differences arose, and parties 
continued to be sent out to seize on them by force. In one 
of these excursions, a smart skirmish occurred at Page's 
Point, on the 27th of August, in which Colonel Laurens, a 
popular and distinguished officer, was mortally wounded. 
This was the last bloodshed in South Carolina. The inten- 
tion of the British to abandon the State was publicly an- 
nounced, but the preparations went on slowly. Commis- 
sioners were appointed on both sides, within the city, to 
settle terms for protecting the rights of property, and a con- 
vention settled for the purpose, which was little observed by 
the enemy. At length the embarkation of the troops I 
was commenced, and on the 14th of December 



9BB HISTORY OF THE 

was completed. On the same day, the civil autliorities re- 
occupied the city, and resumed their functions. 

On that day, therefore, after a distressing invasion of about 
three years, the Avar in the South terminated. 

At the north, no engagement occurred after the battle of 
Yorktown. That success, the prospects of a speedy peace 
which it held forth, the movements in Europe, especially 
in England, consequent upon it, and the pacific overtures of 
Sir Guy Carleton, who arrived in the spring to supersede 
Clinton as commander-in-chief, had the etfect of suspending 
all active operations in both armies. But the difficulties of 
Congress and the Commander-in-chief increased alarmingly. 
Victory had the customary efTect of relaxing the efforts of 
the Stales, and the expectation of peace enforced an imme- 
diate attention to the condition of public affairs, and the means 
of complying with public engagements, and providing for 
heavy arrearages to the army and in the civil service. These 
new and urgent claims were advanced with increasing discon- 
tent, now that the pressure of foreign danger was thought to 
be removed, and tlie attention of all classes, more especially 
the soldiers, became turned to the future. At the same 
time, so entiiely had the means of the treasur}' failed, from 
a deficiency in the rates of taxation and the mode of collec- 
tion, that Congress depended for some time on a monthU' 
grant, from France, of 500,000 Ihirs, for defraying the cur- 
rent expenses. This sum was insufficient, and only the 
financial expedients of Robert Morris, with the aid of the 
Bank of North America, by anticipating the taxes, enabled 
them to keep up the public service. 

Neither officers nor men had received any pay for a con- 
siderable time ; their support w'ith the necessaries of existence 
was hardly provided for, and, in the midst of present want, 
they received intimation that Congress was about to reduce 
the army, and in September that determination was publicly 
made known. A more just ground for discontent and 
alarm to the army, could not well be imao^ined, and fears 
were entertained that open mutiny would be the conse- 
quence. The reduction of the establishment would throw 
a large part of them out of the service, without compensa- 
tion for the past, or substantial provision for the future. 
Most of them had spent the flower of their lives, and many 
of them their own private fortunes, in sustaining the cause 
of Independence, and all were now about to be turned out to 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 3o8 

penury, without even the means to carry them home, and 
with no prospect of future subsistence. This, after all their 
sufferings and services, their trials and sacrifices, and the 
glorious result which they had achieved for an ungrateful 
country, as they with justice complained, could not but ex- 
asperate their minds, and sting them into violent complaints : 
it threatened to drive them into acts of insubordination 
and outrage. In September, Washington wrote to the sec- 
retary at war, a new officer, appointed a few months before 
"I wish not to heighten the shades of the picture, so far as 
real life would justify me in doing, or I would give anec- 
dotes of patriotism and distress, which have scarcely evei 
been paralleled, never surpassed in the history of mankind. 
But you may rely upon it, the patience and long-suffering 
of this army are almost exhausted, and there never was so 
great a spirit of discontent as at this instant." 

The alarm of the soldiery, from the dilatory and unsatis- 
factory proceedings of Congress in their behalf, was further 
aggravated by the belief that it was not the design to fulfil the 
terms of the resolution of October 1780, granting the offi- 
cers half pay for life. A party opposition to this measure 
existed in congress, no funds were pledged for complying 
with it, and the adoption of the confederation, requiring the 
assent of nine States to appropriations, made its confirma- 
tion uncertain. They thought the}- saw an insidious attempt 
to disband them, by means of furloughs, without redressing 
any of their grievances ; and as the prospects of peace 
brightened, their resentment increased. In December, they 
remonstrated more vehemently with the Commander-in- 
chief, by whose personal interposition and exhortations their 
forbearance so long had been preserved, and adopted an 
energetic memcTial to Congress, pra^'ing for an early adjust- 
ment of their claims, the payment of their arrearages, and a 
sum in commutation of their half pay under the resolution 
of October 1780. 

Congress was now placed in a position of extreme embar- 
rassment ; with an exhausted treasury, and an army almost 
in mutiny, demanding what was justly due, but which there 
were no means within reach to supply. The Avinter was 
passed in this distracted condition. Congress could give no 
hope of final settlement satisfactory to the army ; Washing- 
ton alone, by the exertion of his unbounded popularity, 
resJrained them from breaking out into violence. The 



370 . HISTORY OF THE 

news of the conclusion of the preHminaries of peace, in the 
spring, brought affairs to a crisis of excitement and danger. 
March 10, On the 10th of March 1783, an anonymous call 
1783. was circulated through the army, inviting a meet- 
ing of officers for the next day, to take into consideration the 
unfavorable accounts from Philadelphia, and " what mea- 
sures, if any, should be adopted to obtain that redress of 
grievances which they seemed to have solicited in vain." 
On the same day, an anonymous address to the officers was 
circulated, drawn up with spirit, power of language and 
passion, and admirably calculated to inflame them to violent 
measures. The author, as afterwards ascertained, was 
Major John Armstrong. 

What might have been the result of a meeting, summoned 
under such circumstances of real wrong and deep suffering, 
by appeals so inflammatory, it is impossible to conjecture. 
Washington, with a firmness and prudence, well tempered 
to the emergency, threw himself forward, to still the rising 
tempest. Issuing a general order, he expressed his marked 
disapprobation of these disorderly proceedings, and the 
irregular call for the meeting, and summoned the general 
and field officers, and a representation from the companies 
and staff to meet on Saturday, the 15th, to hear the report 
from Philadelphia, to adopt further measures, and report to 
the Commander-in-chief. The head-quarters were then at 
Newburgh, on the Hudson river. 

The meeting took place, as directed, and General Gates, 
as senior officer, assumed the chair. Washington delivered 
them a long and patriotic address, upon their condition and 
prospects, urging them to longer forbearance, to a trust in 
the good faith and justice of their country, and reprobating 
the language and designs of the anonymous addresses. His 
dignified expostulations produced the happiest effect. The 
weight of his personal character, the general veneration for 
his integrity, and admiration for his services, enforced the 
appeal which he pressed upon them, in behalf of good order, 
patience, and fidelity to the laws. 

A series of resolutions were unanimously adopted, declar- 
ing the designs of the anonymous addresses to be " infa- 
mous," re-approving their determination, that "no circum- 
stances of distress or danger should induce a conduct that 
might tend to sully the reputation and glory which they had 
actjuired at the price of their blood and eight years faithful 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 371 

services ;" and expressing " unshaken confidence in the jus- 
tice of Congress, and their country," and that " the repre- 
sentatives of America would not disband nor disperse the 
army until their accounts are liquidated, their balances 
accurately ascertained, and adequate funds established for 
their payment." 

These noble and magnanimous proceedings elevate the 
character of the revolutionary army even beyond the lustre 
of their military triumphs. A victory over want, over pri- 
vation, over resentment and the sense of wrong, all stimulated 
by the consciousness of power, won by the simple force of 
patriotic principle, is an example of public virtue, of which 
military annals has no equal in dignity and true glory. 

Their self-denial was not long after rewarded by such 
provision as the utmost means of Congress enabled them tc 
raise. A vote of nine States, the requisite number under 
the Articles, was obtained for a commutation of the half pay, 
for five years full pay, and the treasury, by great efforts, 
found them four months full pay in part discharge of arrear- 
ages. Thus the machinations of incendiaries were foiled, and 
the army proved itself as worthy of the highest admiration for 
civil virtues, as of the highest gratitude for military services. 
The slight disorders which occasionally took place among 
portions of the troops, when about to be disbanded, were not 
of magnitude sufficient, to detract from this well merited 
reputation. In June a few of the Pennsylvania corps muti- 
nied, and were joined by about two hundred from the 
Southern army. They surrounded the State House in Phila- 
delphia, and clamored for pay, but without proceeding to 
actual violence. They were easily dispersed. 

On the 17th of August, the British, commander-in-chief 
informed the President of Congress that he had received his 
final orders for withdrawing his majesty's forces from New 
York. Congress soon after issued general orders that such 
of the soldiers as had enlisted during the war, should be 
discharged one the 3d of November ensuing. 

The British army and fleet evacuated New York, , ^, „,.. 

, . , . . •' • • A • i-L Nov. 25th. 

their last remammg possession in America, on the | 
25th of November, and on the same day, General Wash- 
ington, with Governor Clinton, and their respective suites, 
followed by a prodigious concourse of citizens, entered the 
city in triumph. On the 4th of December, General Wash- 
ington took an affecting farewell of his officers, and departed 



372 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 

for the purpose of resigning his commission into the haada 
of Congress, then in session at Annapolis in Maryland. 

On the 13th. the treaty of peace was received, and for- 
mally ratified by Congress. 

The last scene now approached : on the 19th the Com- 
mander-in-chief reached Annapolis, and the 2.3d was fixed 
for receiving the public resignation of his commission. On 
that day, in the presence of the representatives of the States, 
and a large concourse of civil and military ofiicers, foreign 
agents and citizens, he delivered his commission into the 
hands of the President of Congress, with a simple and 
affecting address, which, after congratulating the country 
on the successful termination of the war, and recommending 
the officers and the army to the justice of Congress, he con- 
cluded by bidding them an affectionate farewell. 

The highest testimonies of popular love and admiration 
followed him into retirement; and his return to the domes- 
tic shades of Mount Vernon, accompanied by the blessings 
and plaudits of millions whom he had guided to liberty and 
safety, was the closing sc^ae of the war of the American 
Revolution 



THE END. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Preamble. 
We, the people of the United States, \n oi-der to form 
a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic 
tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the 
general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to 
ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this 
constitution for the United States of America. 

ARTICLE I. 

Of the Legislature. 

SECTION I. 

1. All legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested 
in a congress of the United States, which shall consist of 
a Senate and House of Representatives. 

SECTION II. 

1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of 
members chosen every second year by the people of the 
several states ; and the electors in each state shall have 
the qualifications requisite for electors of the most nu- 
merous branch of the state legislature. 

2. No person shall be a representative who shall not 
have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been 
seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall 
not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which 
he shall be chosen. 

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportion- 
ed among the several states which may be included 
v/ithin this union, according to their respective numbers, 
which shall be determined by adding to the whole num- 
ber of free persons, including those bound to service for 
a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three- 
fiflhs of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall 
be made within three years after the first meeting of the 
Congress of the United States, and within every subse- 
quent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by 
Jaw direct. The number of representatives shall not ex- 
ceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall 



2 CONSTITUTION OF 

have at least one representative; and until such enumera- 
tion shall be made, the slate of JVcw Hampshire shall be 
entitled to choose three ; Massachusetts eight •, Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations one; Connecticut five; 
A'ew York six ; JVew Jersey four ; Pennsylvania eight ; 
Delau'are one ; Maryland six ; Virginia ten ; JS'orih 
Carolina five ; Sovtk Carolina five ; and Georgia three. 

4. When vacancies happen in tlie representation from 
any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs 
of election to fill up such vacancies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their 
speaker and other ofiicers, and shall have the sole power 
of impeachment. 

SECTION III. 

1. The Senate of the United Stales shall be composed 
of two senators from each state, chosen by the legislature 
thereof, for six years, and each senator shall have one 
vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in conse- 
quence of the first election, they shall be divided, as 
equally as may be, into three classes. The seats of the 
senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expira- 
tion of the second year, of the second class at the expira- 
tion of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expi- 
tion of the sixth year, so that cnc-third may be chosen 
every second year; and if vacancies happen, by resigna- 
tion or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of 
any state, the executive thereof may make temporary 
appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, 
■which shall then fill such vacancies. 

3. No person shall be a senator who shall not have 
attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a 
citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when 
elected, be an inhabitant of that slate for M'hich he sliall 
be chosen. 

4. The Vice President of the United States shall be 
President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless 
they be equally divided. 

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and 
also a president pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice 
President, or when he shall exercise the office of Presi- 
dent of the United States. 



THE UNITED STATES- 3 

6. The Senate shall have the soJe power to try all im- 
peachinetUs. When sitting for that purpose, they shall 
be on oath or affirmation. When tiie President of the 
United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside; and 
no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of 
two-thirds of the members present. 

7. Judgment in case of impeachment shall not extend 
further than to removal from office, and disqualification, 
to hold and enjoy any office of honour, trust, or profit, 
under the United States; but the party convicted shall, 
nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, 
judgment, and punishment according to law. 

SECTION IV. 

1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections 
for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed ill 
each slate by the legislature thereof; but the Congress 
may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, 
except as to the place of choosing senators. 

^2. Tiie Congress shall assemble at least once in every 
year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in 
December, unless they shall by law appoint a different 
day. 

SECTION V. 

1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, re- 
turns, and qualifications of its own members ; and a ma- 
jority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; 
but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and 
may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent 
members, in such manner and under such penalties as 
each House may provide. 

2. Each House may determine the rule of its proceed- 
ings, punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and, 
%vith the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. 

3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, 
and from time to time publish the same, excepting such 
parts as may in their judgment require secrecy ; and the 
yeas and nays of the members of either House, on any 
question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, 
be entered on the journal. 

4. Neither House during the session of Congress shall, 
without the consent of the other, adjourn for more thaa 



4 CONSTITUTION" OF 

three days, nor to any other place than that in which the 
two houses shall be sitting. 

SECTION VI. 

1. The senators and representatives shall receive a 
compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, 
and paid ont of the treasury of the United States. They 
shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of 
the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attend- 
ance at the session of their respective Houses, and in 
going to or returning from the same ; and for any speech 
or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in 
any other place. 

2. No senator or represent;itive shall, during the time 
for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office 
under the authority of the United States which shall have 
been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been 
increased, during such time- and no person holding any 
ofRce under the United States shall be a member of either 
House during his continuance in office. 

SECTION VII. 

1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the 
House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose 
or concur with amendments, as on other bills. 

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of 
Representatives and the Senate shall, before it become a 
law, be presented to the President of the United States ; 
if he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall return 
it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall 
have origi;iated, who shall enter the objection at large on 
their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such 
reconsideration, two-thirds of tliat House shall agree to 
pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections^ 
to the other House, by which it shall likewise b? recon- 
sidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it 
shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of 
both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and 
the names of the persons voting for and against the bill 
•hall be entered on the journal of each House respec- 
tifely. If any bill shall not be returned by the President 
within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have. 



THE UNITED STATES. 5 

been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like 
manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by 
their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it 
shall not be a law. 

3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the con- 
currence of the Senate and House of Representatives 
may be necessary, (except a question of adjournment,) 
shall be presented to the President of the United States ; 
and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved 
by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed 
by two- thirds of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in 
the case of a bill. 

SECTION vni. 

The Congress shall have power — 

1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and ex- 
cises, to pay the debts and provide for the common de- 
fence and general welfare of the United States; but all 
duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout 
the United States : 

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United 
States : 

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and 
among the several states, and with the Indian tribes; 

4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and 
uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies, throughout 
the United States: 

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of 
foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and mea- 
sures : 

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the 
securities and current coin of the United States : 

7. To establish post offices and post roads : 

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts 
by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the 
exclusive right to their respective writings and disco- 
veries : 

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court : 

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies com- 
mitted on the high seas, and offences against the law of 
nations : 

1* 



O CONSTITUTION OF 

11. To declare war, grant letters of marqxie and repri- 
sal, and make luLes concerning captures on land and 
water : 

12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropria- 
tion of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 
two years : 

13. To provide and maintain a navy : 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation 
of the land and naval forces : 

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute 
the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel 
invasions : 

16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining 
the militia, and for governing such part of them as may 
be employed in the service of the United States, reserving 
to the stales respectively the appointment of the officers 
and the authority of training the militia according to the 
discipline prescribed by Congress : 

IT. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases what- 
soever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square,) 
as may, by cession of particular slates and the acceptance 
of Congress, become the seat of government of the United 
Slates, and to exercise like authority over all places pur- 
chased, by the consent of the legislature of the state in 
which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, maga- 
zines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings : 
and, 

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and 
proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, 
and all other powers vested by this constitution in the 
government of the United States, or any department or 
©flicer thereof. 

SECTIOX IX. 

1. The migration or importation of such persons as 
any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, 
shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 
one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty 
may be imposed on such importations, not exceeding ten 
dollars for each person. 

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not 
be suspended unless when, in case of rebellion or inva- 
sion, the public safety may require it. 



THE UNITED STATES. 7 

3. No bill of attainder, or ex-post-facto law, shall be 
pa^^sed. 

i. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, un- 
less in proportion to the census or enumeration herein- 
before directed to be taken. 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported 
from any state. No preference shall be given by any 
regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one 
state over those of anotlier; nor shall vessels bound to 
or from one state be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties 
in another. 

6. No money sliall be drawn from the treasury but in 
consequence of appropriations made bylaw; and a regu- 
lar statement and account of the receipts and expenditures 
of all public money shall be published from time to time. 

7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United 
States, and no person holding any office of j)rofit or 
trust under them shall, without the consent of Congress, 
accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any 
kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. 

SECTION X. 

1. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or con- 
federation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin 
mone}'^; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold 
and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any 
bill of attainder, ex-post-facto law, or law impairing the 
obligation of contracts ; or grant any title of nobility. 

2. No state shall, without the consent of Congress, lay 
any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what 
may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection 
laws; and the nett produce of all duties and imposts laid 
by any state on imports or exports shall be for the use of 
the treasury of the United States, and all such laws shall 
be subject to the revision and control of Congress. No 
state shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty 
on tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, 
enter into any agreement or compact with another state, 
or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually 
invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of 
delay. 



8 CONSTITUTION OF 

ARTICLE II. 
Of the Executive. 

SECTION I. 

1. The executive power shall be vested in a President 
of the United States of America. He shall hold his office 
during the term of four years, and, together with the 
Vice President, chosen for the same term, be elected as 
follows : — 

2. Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the 
legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal 
to the whole number of senators and representatives to 
which the state may be entitled in Congress; but no se- 
nator or representative, or person holding any office of 
trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed 
an elector. 

3. The electors shall meet in their respective states, 
and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least 
shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with them- 
selves. And they shall make a list of all tlie persons 
voted for, and of the number of votes for each ; which 
list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the 
seat of the government of tlie United States, directed to 
the President of the Senate. The President of the Se- 
nate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of 
Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes 
shall then be counted. The person having the greatest 
number of votes shall be the President, if such number be 
a majorit}' of the whole number of electors appointed; 
and if there be more than one who have such a majority, 
and have an equal number of votes, then the House of 
Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of 
them for President; and if no person have a majority, 
tlien, from the five highest on tie list, the said House 
sliall in like manner choose the President. But in choos- 
ing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the 
representation from each state having one vote; a quorum 
for this purpose shall consist of a member or members 
from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the 
states shall be necessary to a choice. In every case 
after the choice of the President, the person having the 



THE UNITED STATES. if 

greatest number of votes of the electors shall be Vice 
President. But if there should remain two or more who 
have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by 
ballot the Vice President. 

4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing 
the electors and the day on whicli they sliall give their 
votes, which day shall be the same throughout the United 
Stales. 

5. No person except a natural-born citizen, or a citi- 
zen of the United States at the time of the adoption of 
this constitution, shall be eligible to the office of Presi- 
dent ; neither sliall any person be eligible to that office 
who sliall not have attained to the age of thirty-five 
years, and been fourteen years a resident within the 
"United States. 

6. In case of the removal of the President from office, 
or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the 
powers and duties of the said office, the same shall de- 
volve on the Vice President; and the Congress may by 
law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or 
inabilit}-, both of the President and Vice President, de- 
claring what officer shall then act as President; and such 
c^cer shall act accordingly, until the disability be re- 
moved or a President shall be elected. 

7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his 
services a compensation, which shall neither be increased 
nor diminished during the period for which he shall have 
been elected, and he shall not receive within that period 
any other emolument from the United States, or any of 
them. 

8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he 
shall take the following oath or affirmation: — 

"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully 
execute the office of President of the United States, and 
will, to the best of my ability, preservr, protect, and de- 
fend the constitution of the United State.s. 

SECTION 11. 

1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the 
army and navy of the United States and of the militia of 
the several states, when called into the actual service of 
the United States; he may require the opinion in writing 



10 COXSTITUTIOX OF 

of the principal officer in cacli of the executive depart- 
ments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their 
respective offices; and he shall have power to s:rant re- 
prieves and pardons for olVences against the United Slates, 
except in cases of impeachment. 

2. He shall have power, by and witli the advice and 
c<Hisent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two- 
thirds of tlie senators present, concur: and he sliall nomi- 
nate, and by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, shall appoint anjlnissadors, other public minislers 
and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other 
officers of the United States, whose appointments are not 
herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be estab- 
lished by law. Hut the Conirress may by law vest the 
appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper 
in tiic President alone, in the courts of law, or in the 
heads of departments. 

3. The President shall liave power to fill up all vacan- 
cies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by 
granting commissions, whicli shall expire at the end of 
their next session. 

SF.CTION" IK. 

1. He shall, from time to time, give to Congress infor- 
mation of the state of the Union, and recommend to their 
consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary 
and expedient; he ma3s on cxtiaordinary occasions, con- 
vene both Houses, or either of them ; and in case of dis- 
agreement between them, with respect to the time of 
adjournment, he may adjourn them to such lime as he 
shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and 
other public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws 
be faithfully executed; and shall commission all the 
officers of the United Stales. 

gECTIO.V IV. 

1. Tlie President, Vice President, and all civil officers 
of the United States, shall be removed from office on im- 
peachment for and conviction of treason, bribery, or other 
high crimes and misdemeanors. 



THE UNITED STATES. Jf 

ARTICLE III. 
Of the Judiciary. 

SECTION 1. 

1. The judicial power of the United States shall be 
vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts 
as Congress may, from time to time order and establish. 
The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall 
hold their oflices during good behaviour; and shall, at 
stated times, receive for their services a compensation, 
which shall not be diminished during their continuance 
in office. 

SECTION II. 

1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law 
and equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of ihe 
United Slates, and treaties made, or which shall be made, 
under their authority ; to all cases afl'ecting ambassadors, 
other public ministers, and consuls-, to all cases of admi- 
ralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which 
the United States shall be a party ; to controversies be- 
tween two or more states; between a state and citizens 
of another state; between citizens of difierent states; be- 
tween citizens of the same state claiming lands unckr 
grants of diflerent states; and between a state, or the citi- 
zens thereof and foreign states, citizens, or subjects. 

2. In all cases aflecting ambassadors, other public min- 
isters, and consuls, and those in which a state shall be a 
party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. 
In all the other cases before mentioned the Supreme Court 
shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, 
with such exceptions, and under such regulations as Con- 
gress shall make. 

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeach- 
ment, shall be by jury, and such trial shall be held in ll>e 
state where the said crimes shall have been committed ; 
but when not committed within any state, the trial shall 
be at such place or places as Congress may by law have 
directed. 

SECTION III. 

1. Treason against the United States shall consist only 
in levying war against them, or in adhering to their ene- 



12 CONSTITUTION OF 

mies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be 
convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two wit- 
nesses to the same overt act, or confession in open court. 
2. Congress shall have power to declare the punish- 
ment of treason ; but no attainder of treason shall work 
■coiTuption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life 
of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Miscellaneous. 

SECTION I. 

1. Full faith and credit sliall be given in each state to 
the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every 
other state. And Congress may, by general laws, pre- 
scribe the manner in which such acts, records, and pro- 
ceedings shall be proved, and the eifect thereof. 

SECTION 11. 

1. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the 
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states. 

2. A person charged in any slate with treason, felony, 
or other crime, who shall flee from justice and be found 
in another stale, shall, on demand of the executive autho- 
rity of the state from wliich he fled, be delivered up, to 
be removed to the slate having jurisdiction of the crime. 

3. No person held to service or labour in one stale, 
under the laws thereof, escaping into another shall, in con- 
sequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
from such service or labour ; but shall be delivered up on 
claim of the party to whom such service or labour may 
be due. 

SECTION in. 

1. New slates may be admitted by Congress into this 
Union ; but no new state shall be formed or erected within 
the jurisdiction of any other state, nor any state be formed 
by the junction of two or more states, or parts of states, 
without the consent of the legislatures of the states con- 
cerned, as well as of Congress. 

2. Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make 
all needful rules and regulations respecting tlie territory, 
or other property belonging to the United States; and 



THE UNITED STATES. 13 

nottiin^ in this constitution shall be so construed as to 
prejudice any claims of the United States or of any par- 
ticular state. 

SECTION IV. 

1. The United States shall guarantee to every state in 
this Union a republican form of government, and shall 
protect each of them against invasion ; and, on applica- 
tion of the legislature, or of the executive (when the 
legislature cannot be convened), against domestic violence. 

ARTICLE V. 

Of Amendments. 
1. Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall 
deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this con- 
stitution ; or, on the application of the legislatures of two- 
thirds of the several ctates, shall call a convention for 
proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be 
valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this constitu- 
tion, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of 
the several states, or by conventions in three-fourths 
thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may 
be proposed by Congress ; provided, that no amendment 
Avhich may be made prior to the year one thousand eight 
hundred and eight, shall in any manner affect the first and 
fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and 
that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its 
equal suffrage in the senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 
Miscellaneous. 

1. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, 
before the adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid 
against the United States under this constitution, as under 
the confederation. 

2. This constitution, and the laws of the United States 
which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties 
made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the 
United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and 
the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any 
thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the con- 
Irary notwithstanding. 

2 



^ CONSTITUTION OF 

3. The senators and representatives before mentioned, 
and the members of the several state legislatures, and all 
executive and judicial officers, both of the United States 
and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirm- 
ation to support this constitution ; but no religious test 
shall ever be required as a qualification to any office, or 
public trust, under the United States. 

ARTICLE VII. 

Of the Ratification. 
1. The ratification of the conventions of nine states 
shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitu- 
tion between the states so ratifying the same. 
Done in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the 
states present, the seventeenth day of Sej)tember, in the 
year of our Lord one thousand seve:i hundred and 
eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United 
States of America the twelfth. \n witness whereof, we 
have hereunto subscribed our names. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
President^ and Depuly from Virginia. 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. CO.N.VECTICUT. 

John Langdon, William Samuel Johnson, 

Nicholas Gilman. Roger Sherman. 

MASSACHUSETTS. NEW YORK. 

Nathaniel Gorman, Alexander Hamilton. 

Rufus King. 

NEW JERSET. MARTLAXD. 

William Livingston, James M'Henry, 

David Brearly, Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer, 

William Patterson, Daniel Carroll. 
Jonathan Dayton. 

TENNSYLVANIA. VIRGINIA. 

Benjamin Franklin, John Blair, 

Thomas Mifflin, James Madison, jun. 
Robert Morris, north Carolina. 

George Clymer, William Blount, 

Thomas Fitzsimons, Richard Dobbs Spaight, 

Jared Ingersoll, Hugh Williamson. 
James Wilson, 
Governeur Morris. 



THE UNITED STATES, |§ 

©ELAWARK. SOUTH CAROLINA, 

George Read, John Rutledge, 

Guniung Bedford, juii. Chas. Cotesworth Pinckney, 

John Dickinson, Charles Pinckney, 

Ricliard Bassett, Pierce Butler. 

Jacob Broom. Georgia. 

William Few, 
Abraham Baldwin. 
Attest^ WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. 



AMENDxMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 

Art, 1. Congress shall make no law respecting an es- 
tablishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise 
thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the 
press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, 
and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. 

Art. 2. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the 
securit}'' of a free state, the right of the people to keep 
and bear arms shall not be infringed. 

Art. 3. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered 
in any house without the consent of the owner; ijor jft 
time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 

Art. I. The right of the people to be secure in their 
persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable 
searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and no war- 
rants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by 
oath or athrraation, and particularly describing the place 
to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. 

Art. 5. No person shall be held to answer for a capital 
or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or 
indictment of a j^rand jury except in cases arising in the 
land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual ser- 
vice in time of war or public danger; nor shall any per- 
son be subject for the same offence to be put twice in jeo- 
pardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled, in any 
criminal case, to be witness against himself; nor be de- 
prived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of 
law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use 
without just compensation. 

Art. 6. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall 



jg CONSTITUTION OF 

enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impar- 
tial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall 
liave been committed, which district shall have been pre- 
viously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the 
nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted 
with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory pro- 
cess for obtaining witnesses in his favour; and to have 
the assistance of counsel for his defence. 

Art. 7. In suits at common law, where the value in 
controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial 
by jury shall be preserved , and no fact tried by jury shall 
be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United 
States than according to the rules of the common law. 

Art. 8. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor exces- 
sive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments 
inflicted. 

Art. 9. The enumeration in the constitution of certain 
rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others 
retained by the people. 

Art. 10. The powers not delegated to the United States 
by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are 
reserved to the states respectively or to the people. 

Art. 11. The judicial power of the United States shall 
not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity 
commenced or prosecuted against one of the United 
States b}' citizens of another state, or by cilizons or sub- 
jects of another state, or by citizaiis or subjects of any 
foreign state. 

Art. 12. § 1. The electors shall meet in their respsc- 
tive states, and vote by ballot for President and Vice Pre- 
sident, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of 
the same state with themselves ; they shall name in their 
ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct 
ballots the person voted for as Vice President; and they 
shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as Presi- 
dent and of all persons voted for as Vice President, and of 
the number of votes for each, which list they shall sign 
and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the govern- 
ment of the United States, directed to the President of 
the Senate; the President of the Senate shall, in the 
presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open 



THE UNITED STATES. 17 

all the certificates, and the votes shall tlieii be counted ; 
the person having the greatest number of votes for Presi- 
dent shall be the President, if such number be a majority 
of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no 
person have such a majority, then from the persons having 
the iiighest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of 
those voted for as President, the House of Representatives 
shall choose immediately by ballot the President. But in 
choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, 
the representation from each state having one vote ; a 
quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or 
members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of 
all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the 
House of Representatives shall not choose a President 
whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, 
before the fourth day of RIarch next following, then the 
Vice President shall act as President, as in the case of the 
death or other constitutional disability of the President. 

2. The person having the greatest number of v.)te3 as 
Vice President shall be the Vice Presitlent, if such num- 
ber be a majority of the whole number of electors ap- 
pointed ; and if no person have a majority, then from the 
two highest numbers on the list tlie Ssnate shall choose 
the Vice President: a quorum for the purpose shall con- 
sist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a 
majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a 
choice. 

3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office 
of President shall be eligible to that of Vice President of 
),he United States. 



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE 
PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, S-EPTEM- 
BER, 1796. 

Friends and Fellow- Citizens: 

The period for a new election of a Citizen, to adminis- 
ter the Executive governnvent of the United States, being 
not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your 
thoughts must be employed in designating the person 
who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears 
to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more dis- 
tinct expression of the public voice, that I should now 
apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline 
being considered among the number of those out of 
whom a choice is to be made. 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be 
assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a 
strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the 
relation which binds a duiiful citizen to his country; and 
that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence 
in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no di- 
minution of zeal for your future interest ; no deficiency 
of grateful respect, for your past kindness; but am sup- 
ported by a full conviction that the step is compatible 
with both. 

The acceptance of, and hitherto continuance in the 
office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have 
been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to tlie opinion of 
duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your 
desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been 
much earlier in my power^ consistently with motives 
which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that 
retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. 
The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to tfie 
last election, had even led to the preparation of an Ad- 
dress to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the 
then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with 
foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons en- 
titled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, «xternal as 



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. J 9 

well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclina- 
tion incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or pro- 
priety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality maybe 
retained for my services, that in the present circum- 
stances of our country, you will not disapprove my deter- 
mination to retire. 

The impressions with which I first undertook the ar- 
duous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In 
the discharge of this trust, I will only sa3% that I have 
with good intentions, contributed towards the organiza- 
tion and administration of the government, the best ex- 
ertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. 
Not unconscious, in the out-set, of the inferiority of my 
qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhnps still 
more in (he eyes of others, has strengthened the motives 
to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing 
weight of years admonishes more and more that the 
shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be 
welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given 
peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I 
have the consolation to believe, that while choice and 
prudence inv.te me to quit the political scene, patriotism 
does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment, which is intended 
to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do 
not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of 
that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved coun- 
try, for the many honours it has conferred upon me ; 
still more for tlie steadfast confidence with which it has 
supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence 
enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by ser- 
vices faithful and persevering, though in usefulness un- 
equal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our coun- 
try from these services, let it always be remembered to 
your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, 
that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated 
in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appear- 
ances sometimes dubious, — vicissitudes of fortune often 
discouraging, — in situations in wiiich not unfrequently 
want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism— 
the constancy of your support was the essential prop of 



20 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

the efforts and a guarantee of the plans by which they 
were effected. — Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I 
shall carry it with me to my 2;rave, as a strong incite- 
ment to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to 
you the clioicest tokens of its beneficence — that your 
union and brotherly affection may be perpetual — that the 
free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may 
be sacredly maintained — that its administration in every 
department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue — 
that, in line, the happiness of the people of these States, 
under the auspices of Heaven, may be made complete, 
by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of 
liberty, as will acquire to them the glory of recommend- 
ing it to the applause, the affection and the adoption of 
ever}' nation which is yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for 
your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and 
the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, 
urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your 
solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your fre- 
quent review, some sentiments ; which are the result of 
much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and 
uhich appear to me all-important to the permanency of 
your felicity as a People. These will be offered to you 
with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the" 
disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possi- 
bly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor 
can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent 
reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimi- 
lar occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every liga- 
ment of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is neces- 
sary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government which constitutes you one 
people, is also now dear to you. ft is justly so ; for it is 
a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, 
the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace 
abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity ; of that very 
Liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to 
foresee, that from different causes, and from diffcent 
quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices em- 



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS* 21 

ployed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of=«this 
truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress, 
against which the batteries of internal and external ene- 
mies will be most constantly and actively (tliouiih often 
coveitly and insiduously) directed, it is of infinite mo- 
ment, that you should properly estimate the immense 
value of your national Union, to your collective and indi- 
vidual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, ha- 
bitual and immoveable attachment to it ; accustoming 
yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium 
of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its 
preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing what- 
ever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any 
event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the 
fisrt dawning of every attempt to alien any portion of our 
country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties 
which now link together the various parts. 

For this you have eveiy inducement of sympathy and 
interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common coun- 
try, that country has a right to concentrate your affec- 
tions. The name of American, which belongs to you in 
your national capacity, must always exalt the just ptide 
of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived froni 
local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, 
you have the same religion, manners, habits and political 
principles. You have in a common cause fought and 
triumphed together; the INDEPENDENCE AND LIB- 
ERTY you possess, are the work of joint councils, and 
joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes. 

But these considerations, however powerfully they ad- 
dress themselves to your sensibility, are greatly out- 
weighed by those which apply more immediately to your 
interest — Here every portion of our country finds the 
most commanding motives for carefully guarding and 
preserving the Union of the whole. 

The JVorth, in an unrestrained intercourse with the 
South, protected by the equal laws of a common govern- 
ment, finds in the productions of the latter, great addi- 
tional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, 
and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The 
Soulh in the same intercourse, benefitting by the agency 



22 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

of the J^orth, sees its anjnculture grow and its commerce 
expand. Turnino: partly into its own channels the sea- 
men of the J^'orlh.^ it finds its particular navigation invi- 
gorated: — and while it contributes, in different ways, to 
nourish and increase the generiil mass of the national 
navigation it looks forward to the protection of a mari- 
time strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The 
East, in a like intercourse wiih the West, already finds, 
and in the progressive improvement of interior commu- 
nications, by land and water, will more and more find a 
valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from 
abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives 
from the Easf^ supplies requisite to its growth and com- 
fort — and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it 
must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indis- 
pensable oiilh'ts for its own productions to the weight, 
influence, and the futuie maritime strength of the Atlan- 
tic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble com- 
munity of interest as one jialion. Any other tenure by 
which the West can hold this essential advantage, whe- 
ther derived from its own separate strength, or from 
an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign 
power, must be intrinsically, precarious. 

While then every part of our country thus feels an im- 
mediate and particular interest in Union, all the parties 
combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means 
and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportion- 
ably greater security from external danger, a less frequent 
interruption of their peace by foreign nations; — and what 
is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an 
exemption from those broils and wars between them- 
gelves, which so frequently afllict neighbouring countries, 
not tied together by the same government: which their 
own rivalihips alone would be sufficient to produce, but 
which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and in- 
trigues would stimulate and imbitter. Hence, likewise, 
they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military 
establishments, which under any form of government, 
are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded 
as particularly hostile to republican liberty ; in this sense 
it is, that your Union ought io be coasidered as a main 



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 23 

prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one oogbt 
to endear to you the preseryation of the other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive Irmgiiage to 
every reflecting and virtuous mind; and exhibit ihe con- 
tinuance of the Union as a primary object of Patriotic 
desire. — Is there a doubt, "shether a common government 
can embrace so large a sphere? — Let espeiience solve it. 
To listen to mere speculation in such a case, were crimi- 
nal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organiza- 
tion of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of govern- 
ments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy 
issue to the experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full 
experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives 
to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while expe- 
rience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, 
there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of 
those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its 
bands. 

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our 
Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any 
ground should have been furnished for characterizing 
parties by geographical discriminations — JVorthern and 
Southern — Jlilandc ^iud Western; whence designing men 
may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real dif- 
ference of local interests and views. One of the expe- 
dients of party to acquire influence, within particular 
districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other 
districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against 
the jealousies and heart burnings which spring Irom these 
misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each 
other, those who ought to be bound together by fraternal 
affection. The inhabitants of our western country, have 
lately had a useful lesson on this head : they have seen, 
in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unani- 
mous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, 
and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout 
the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were 
the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the 
General Government and in the Atlantic States, unfriendly 
to their interests in regard to the Mississippi : they have 
been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with 



24 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

Great Britain and thai with Spain, which secure to them 
every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign 
relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it 
not be their wisdom to rely lor the preservation of these 
advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? 
Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if 
such ihere are, who would sever them from their Breth- 
ren and connect them with aliens? 

To the eilicacy and permanency of your Union, a gov- 
ernment for (he whole is indispensable — No alliances, 
however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate 
substitute ; tliey must inevitably experience the infrac- 
tions and intcnuptions which all alliances in all times, 
have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, 
you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoptiou 
of a constitution of government better calculated than 
your former, for an intitnate union, and for the ethcacious 
management of your common concerns. 'J'his govern- 
ment, the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced and 
unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature de- 
liberation, completely free in its principles, in the distri- 
bution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and 
containing within itself a provision for its own amend- 
ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your sup- 
port. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, 
acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the 
fundamental maxims of true Liberty. Tdc basis of our 
political systems, is the right of the people to make and 
alter their Constitutions of Government — But the consti- 
tution which at any time exists, till changed by an expli- 
cit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly 
obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and 
the right of the people to establish government, pre- 
supposes the duty of every individual to obey the estab- 
lished government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all com- 
binations and associations, under whatever plausible cha- 
racter, with the real design to direct, control, counter- 
act, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the 
constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamen- 
tal principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to or- 



WASHINGTON'S FAEEWELL ADDRESS, 25 

ganizG faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary 
Ibrce — to put in the place of the delegated will of the 
nation, the will of a party, often a small, but artful and 
enterprising ininority of the community; and, according 
to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to m.ake the 
public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and 
incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of 
consistent and wholesome plans digested by common 
councils, and modified by mutual interests. 

However combinations or associations of the above 
description, may now and then answer popular ends, 
they are likely in the course of time and things, to be- 
come potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and 
unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power 
of the people; and to usurp to themselves the reins of 
government; destroying afterwards the very engines 
which have lifted them to unjust dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your government, and the 
permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, 
not only that you speedily discountenance irregular op- 
positions to its acknowledged authority, but also that 
you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its prin- 
ciples, however specious the pretexts. One method of 
assault may be to affect, In the forms of the constitution, 
alterations which will impair the energy of the system ; 
and thus to undermine what cannot be directly over- 
thrown. In all the changes to which you may be in- 
vited, remember that time and habit are at least as neces- 
sary to fix the true character of government, as of other 
human in-^titutions ; that experience is the surest stand- 
ard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing 
constitution of a country ; that facility in changes, upon 
the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, expose to per- 
petual change, from the endless vaiiety of hypothesis 
and opinion. And remember, especially, that for the 
efficient management of your common interest, in a 
country so extensive as ours, a government of as much 
vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of liber- 
ty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a 
government, with powers properly distributed and ad- 
Justed, its sure&t guardian. It is, indeed, little else thaa 

3 



26 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand 
the enterprises of faction ; to confine each member of 
the society within the limits prescribed by the laws ; and 
to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of 
the rights of person and property. 

I have already intimated to you the danger of the par- 
ties in the state, with particular reference to the founding 
of them on geographical disciiminations. Let me now 
take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the 
most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the 
sj>irit of party, generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our na- 
ture, having its root in the strongest passions of the 
human mind. It exists under different shapes in all 
governments, more or less stifled, controlled or repressed. 
But in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest 
rankness; and is truly their wor.^t enemy. 

The alternate dominion of one faction over another, 
sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dis- 
sention, which, in different ages and countries, has per- 
petuated the most horrid enormities, is itself frightful 
despotism. Cut this leids at length to a formal and per- 
manent despotism. The disorders and miseries which 
result, gradually incline t! e minds of men to seek secu- 
rity and repose in the absolute power of an individual. 
And, sooner, or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, 
moie able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns 
this disposition to the purposes of his own t-leviition, on 
the ruins of public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind 
(which, nevertheless, ought not to be entirely out of 
sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit 
of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of 
a wise people to discourage and restrain it. 

It selves always to di>lract the public councils, and 
enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the com- 
munity with ill founded jealousies and false alaims; kin- 
dles the animosity of one part against another: foments 
occasionally riot and insurrection ; and opens the door 
to foreign influence and corniption, which find a facilita- 
ted access to the government itself through the channels 



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 27 

of party passions. Thus the policy and will of one coun- 
tiy are subjected to the policy and will of another. 

I'here is an opinion that parties in fiee countries are 
useful checks upon the administration of the government, 
and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within 
certain limits, is probably true: and, in governments of a 
monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if 
not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those 
of the popular character, in gorernments purely elective, 
it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural 
tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of 
this spirit for every talutary purpose. And there being 
constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force 
of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not 
to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent, 
its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it 
should consume. 

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in 
a free country should inspire cauiion, in those entrusted 
witii its administration, to confine themselves within their 
resp.'ctive constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise 
of the powers of one department, to encroach upon 
another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consoli- 
date the powers of all the departments in one, and thus 
to create, whatever the form of government, a real des- 
potism. A just estimate of that love of power, and 
proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human, 
iieart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this posi- 
tion. The necessity of reciprocal checks, in the exercise 
of political power, by dividing and distributing it into 
different depositories, and constituting each the guardiaa 
of public weal against invasions by the others, has been 
evinced by experiments ancient and modern ; some of 
them in our country, and under our own eyes. To pre- 
serve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, 
in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modifica- 
tion of the constitutional powers be in any particular 
wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way 
which the constitution designates. — But let there be no 
change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, 
may be the instrument of good, it is the customary wea- 



28 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

pon by which free governments are destroyed. — The pre- 
cedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent 
evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can at 
any time yield. 

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to politi- 
cal prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable 
supports. — In vain would that man claim the tribute of 
patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great pil- 
lars of human happiness, these firmest props of the 
duties of men and citizens. — The mere politician, equally 
with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. 
A volume could not trace all their connexions with pri- 
vate and public felicity. Let it be simply asked, where 
is the security for property, for i^eputafiion, for life, if the 
sense of religious obligations desert the oaths, which are 
the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? 
And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that 
morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever 
may be conceded to the influence of refined education on 
minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both 
forbid us to expect that national moralit}' can prevail in 
exclusion of religious principle. 

It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a ne- 
cessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed 
extends with more or less force to every species of free 
government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look 
with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation 
of the fabric ? 

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, 
institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. — In 
proportion as the structure of a government gives force to 
public opinion, it is essential tliat public opinion should 
be entightened. 

As a very important source of strength and security, 
cherish public credit. One method of preserving it, is 
to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of 
expense by cultivating peace; but remembering also that 
timely disburs-ements to prepare for danger frequently 
prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding 
likewise the accumulations of debt, not only by shunning 
occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions, in linae 



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 29 

of peace, to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars 
may have occasioned; not ungenerously throwing upon 
posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. — 
The execution of these maxims belongs to your repre- 
sentatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should 
co-operate. To facilitate to th.'m the peiformance of 
their duty, it is essential that you should praciically bear 
in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must 
be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; 
that no taxes can be advised which are not more or less 
inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embar- 
rassment inseparable from the selection of the proper 
object (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to 
be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the con- 
duct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of 
acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, 
which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; 
cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and 
morality enjoin this conduct: and can it be that good 
policy does not equally enjoin it.? It will be worthy of 
a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation, 
to give to minlvind the magnanimous and too novel ex- 
ample of a people always guided by an exalted justice 
and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of 
time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly 
repay any temporary advantages which mi?ht be lost by 
a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has 
not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its 
virtue.'' The experiment, at least, is recommended by 
every sentiment Vv'hich ennobles human nature. Alas! 
is it rendered impossible by its vices.' 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen- 
tial than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against 
particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, 
should be excluded; and that in place of them just and 
amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The 
nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, 
or an habitual fondness, is in some d?g(ee a slave. It is 
a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which 
is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. 

3* 



30 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each 
more readily to offer insult and injury ; to lay hold of 
slight causes of umbrage; and to be haughty and intract- 
able, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute 
occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, 
and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will 
and resentment, sometimes impels to war the govern- 
ment, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The 
government sometimes participates in the national pro- 
pensity; and adopts, through passion, what reason would 
reject. At other times, it makes the animosity of the 
nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by 
piide, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. 
The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations 
has been the victim. 

So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for 
another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the 
favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary 
common interest, in cases where no real common interest 
exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, 
betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and 
wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justifi- 
cation. It leads also to concessions to (he favourite 
nation, of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly 
to injure the nation, making the concessions; by unne- 
cessarily parting with what ought to have been retained ; 
and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to 
retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are 
withheUl. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or de- 
luded citizens (who devote themselves to the favourite 
nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their 
own country, without oilium, sometimes even with popu- 
larity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense 
of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, 
or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish 
compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, 
such attachments are particularly alarming t) the truly 
enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor- 
tunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions; 
to practise the arts of seduction ; to mislead public 



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 3] 

opinion; to influence or awe the pnblic councils ! Such 
an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and 
powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of 
the latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I con- 
jure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a 
free people ought to be coxstantly awake ; since his- 
tory and experience prove that foreign influence is one of 
the most baneful foes of republican government. But 
that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it 
becomes the instrument of the very influence to be 
avoided, instead of a defence against it. — Excessive par- 
tiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of 
another, cause those whom they actuate, to see danger 
■ only on one side ; and serve to veil and even second the 
arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may 
resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become 
suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the 
applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their 
interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign 
nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have 
with them as little political connexion as possible. So 
far as we have already formed engagements, let them be 
fulfilled with perfect good faith, Ilere let us stop, 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us 
have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must 
be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which 
are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, there- 
fore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by 
artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, 
or the ordinary combinations and collision of her friend- 
ships or enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables 
us to pursue a diflerent course. If we remain one people, 
under an efiicient government, the period is not far ofl", 
when we may defy material injury from external annoy- 
ance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause 
the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be 
scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under 
the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not 



32 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

lightly hazard the giving us provocations; when we may 
choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, 
shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? 
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Wliy, 
by interweaving our destiny with that of any pari of Eu- 
rope, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of 
European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice ? 

It is our true policy lo steer clear of permanent al- 
liances, with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I 
mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not 
be understood as capable of patronising infidelity to exist- 
ing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to 
j)ubHc than to private affairs, that honesty is always the 
best policy. I repeat il, therefore, let those engagements 
be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, 
it is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable es- 
tal)li.sbmcnts, in a respectable defensive posture, we may 
safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary 
emergencies. 

Harmony, and a liberal intercouse with all nations, are 
recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But 
even our coinmercial policy should hold an equal and 
impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive 
favours or preferencesj consulting the natural course of 
things; difilising and diversifying by gentie means the 
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, 
(with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable 
course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to 
enable the government to support them,) conventional 
rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances 
and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable 
to be from time to lime abandoned ^r varied, as expe- 
rience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping 
in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinter- 
ested iavours from another; that it must pay with a por- 
tion of its independence, for whatever il may accept 
imder tiiat character; lliat, by such acceptance, it may 
place itself in the condition of having given equivalents 
(or nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with 



WASHINGTOA'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 33 

irigralitiide for not giving more. There can be no greater 
error than to expect or calcniale npon real favours from 
nation to nation. It is an illusion wiiich experience must 
cure, which a just pride ought to discard. 

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of 
an old and affectionate friend, i dare not hope they will 
make the strong and lasting impression 1 could wish ; 
that they will control the usual current of the passions, 
or prevent our nation from running the course which has 
hitherto marked the destiny of nations! but, if I may even 
flatter myself, that tliey may be productive of some par- 
tial benefit, some occasional good ; that ihey may now 
and then recur to moderate the fury of partv spirit; to 
warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue ; to guard 
against the impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hope 
will be a full reconipense for the solicitude for your wel- 
fare, by which they have been diclated. 

How far, in the discharge of my oflicial duties, I have 
been guided by the principles which have been delineated, 
the pubHc records and other evidences of my conduct 
must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the 
assurance of my own conscience is, that 1 have, at least, 
believed myself to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my 
proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to 
my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by 
that of your representatives in both houses of congre-s, 
the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, 
uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

After deliberale examination, with the aid of the best 
lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, 
under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to 
take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neu- 
tral position. Having taking it, f determined, as far as 
should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, 
perseverance, and firmness. 

The consiilerations which respect the right to hold this 
conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I 
will only observe, that, according to my understanding of 
the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of 
the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 



34 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

The duty o[ holdintr a neutral conduct may be inferred, 
without any thing more, from the obligation which jus- 
tice and Juimanity impose on every nation, in cases in 
which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate tlie relations 
of peace and amity towards other nations. 

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct 
will best be referred to your own reflections and expe- 
rience. With me, a predominant motive has been, to 
endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and ma- 
ture its yet recent institutions, and to progress without 
interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, 
which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the com- 
mand of its own fortunes. 

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administra- 
tion, I am unconscious of intentional error, 1 am never- 
liieless too sensible of my defects, not to think it probable 
tiiat I may have committed many errors. Whatever they 
may be, I fervently beseecli the Almighty to avert or miti- 
gate the evils to which tiiey may tend. I shall also carry 
with me the hope that my country will never cease to 
view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five 
years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright 
zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned 
to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of 
rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and 
actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so na- 
tural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself 
and his progenitors for several generations, 1 anticipate 
with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise 
myself to realize, without allo)^, the sweet enjoyment of 
partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign 
influence of good laws under a free government — the ever 
favourite object of my heart, anti the happy reward, as I 
trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



Untied States. ) 
17/A Syt. 179G. J 



The following recommendations are selected from numerous valua- 
ble testimonials now in possession of the Publisher. 

Baltimore, July 3d, 1843. 
To Mr. N. Hickman, 

I talce pleasure in complying with your request, that I would eipress my opinion 
of the "History of the American Kevolutidn " prepared by S. F. Wilson, Esq. 
Having carefully read the book, I do not hesitate to slate that it is the best comjjend 
of that portion of history with which I am acquainted: ai,d that it is executed 
with as much ability, judgment, and good taste as any similar work I have ever 
read. 

The detail of the causes which led to the Rerolution, is concise without being 
obscure, and the character of the early settlers is admirably drawn. The descrip- 
tion of the various events of the contest are intelligible without being diffuse; and 
the style is worthy of high praise. 

I deem the book to be admirably adapted for the more advanced scholars in public 
and private schools; and it is a work which will be read with profit and interest by 
all who wish to revive the historical knowledge which was the acquisition of th« 
tarly period of life Very respectfully, STEPHEN COLLIKS. 

From the New York Star. 

History of the American Revolution. Wiih a Preliminary View of the Character 
and Piinciples of the Colonists. By S. F. \\ ilson. The want of a well-writtm 
compend on the great events connected with and preceding our revolution, has long 
been a desideratum in the literature of this country, and an opprobrium upon our 
name. A theme in itself so full of sublime and heroic incidents — an event so mo- 
mentous in the annals of the world as that of the emancipation of an entire conti- 
nent, and the establishment of that hi'herlo undiscovered principle that man is 
capable of self-government, would seem to have bem of such deep and abic'ing 
interest, as to have enlisted the sufli ages of more eloquent and powerful pens than 
have ever discoursed upon it. But nolwithslanding the many rich resouiccs for the 
historian there is no one who has yet explored, in the manner that so great a sub- 
ject merited, this wide and extensive field — no cne who hascondenied into a lucid 
and compendious form, a clear, methodical, and correct arrangement of its details. 
The work of Mr. Wilson goes far to supply this hiatus, and is written in a style as 
felicitous in its language as it is accurate and sententious in its description of the 
various leading events and circumstances comprised within the peiiod to which it 
relates. It is scarcely possible that the vast period of our entire history could have 
been compressed into so small a compass, but the author has never theless succeeded 
in happily grouping together, inio a succinct and concise form, a. general and mcsl 
useful summary oi every incident of importance that conspired to bring about the 
great events upon which he more particularly dwells. 

We think it will prove a valuable elementary work in our schools more especially, 
and wc warmly recommend it lo our countrymen as one which every American, who 
has his country at heart, and wii-hes to cherish in his posterity an enduring love of 
liberty and of our noble institutions, to place in the hands of his children. Many 
of older growth, too, may be benefitted by its perusal, as it is a subject, we are 
ashamed to say, of which too many Americans, even among those who make preten- 
sions to the character of statesmen, are most deplorably ignorant. 



From the National Intelh'gfnccr. 

"The American Revolution " — We have just met with a new work, comprised in 
37'2 pages duodecimo, i ntitled "History of the American Revoluticn, with a prelimi- 
nary view of the character and jirinciple? of the Colonists and their Controversies 
with Great Britain " by S. F. Wilson, Esq., a gentleman every way qualified for 
the task which he has performed. This history of the l?evoluh'on embraces all the 
principal occurrences, civil, mililary, and political, having a direct influence on the 
principles and progress in the great contest, avoiding all minor details not necessary 
to the integrity of the narrative. All the essential facts and events are brought 
within the compass of a volume of convenient size, well suited for the schools of the 
Usited States. We should be glad lo see it introduced lufo general Ufe in c ur semi- 
naries, as no American youth ought to be ni acqnairMed v\ilh the history of ibis 
most imiiorlant period in the annals of this country and of ihevholc Chriitiviu 
world. 



36 

Prom the National Gtzelle, vken under the editorial charge of Mr- Wahk, 
A neat duodecimo volume has jusl appeared in Baltimore, with ihe lille "History 
of the Atnerican Revolution, wiih a preliminary view of the character and princi- 
ples of the Colonists and iheir Controversies with Great Britain." Tlie author of 
it is S. F. Wilson, Kiq., editor of the Baltimore American. The editorial articles 
cf this gentleman arc gcneially skilful epilomis; and hence we should augur favor- 
ably of his abstract of our Revolutionary anuals. We have read parts of seveial 
chapters of the woik, and Ircm lliim \\e infer with the author that ''it might be 
advantageously used in the instruction of youth." 

From the New York Evening Post,— edited ly Wm. Cullcn Viyant. 
"History of the American Revolution, with a preliminary view of the character 
and princi|iles of llie Colonists, a!id ihcir ( onlruversies with Great Brilaiu." — 
This is the title of a worU just published at Baltimore, and for sale in this city by 
D. Appleton & Co. It is written by S. F. Wilson, Esq., who, as Ihe editor of the 
American, an excellent and discreetly conducted daily newspaper in Baltimore, ha» 
made himself (avorably known as a writer, to a large circle of riadt rs. In that 
jarticular exercise ol talent more especially, which is most called into exercise iu 
the work under consideration — a power lo condense and epitomise in such a way at 
to retain, in a small compass, the piih and marrow, and the distinguishing features, 
of what before occupied a large space. Mr. Wilson, as we have had friqutnt oc- 
casion to observe in his cditoiial abstracts of long and elaborate public documents, 
is singularly happy. The work in this respect, as well as for clear perspituoue ar- 
rangement, and judicious original reflecliiDs and discussions on important points in 
the political history of this country, is v\ell wurlhy of more than the mere passing 
notice to which newspaper criiirs are confined. We should think, from the exam- 
ination we have given lie volume, I hat it deserves to be very extciisivtly inlrtt^uccd 
into schools; for liot only in ]iiiint of style is it superior to the cempti.diims in use, 
but it is written in a far more philosoiiliital spirit, and gives dui prtmineiiee lo thft 
class of events in our histr ly, which constilule the prej er fciindatn ii o( all history, 
but which are too generally neglected for ihe mere I'eiails of mililaiy aehievcmems. 
The writer seems to have compared authorities diligently, and in an impartial spirit, 
and he has slated resullswilh as much brevily as was eemf atible with eleaiiitss. 
The work is brought down to the close of Washington's military career in 17t3. 

From the New Yotk Commercial %^dvertiser, — cilitcdhy Col. W. L. Stone. 
''History of the American Kf\rhilirn. wilh a jirelimiiiary vie w of ihe ehsrtcter 
and pi inciples of the Colonists, ; i d il cir Ccntuversii s wiih Great Biiiain." The 
author of this work is S. F. Wilsen, Esq., editor of Ihe Pallimore .' merican' — 
lormerly of lliis ciiy. The elesif n v\as to brirg inio a sirgle volime, i. ctir.] c ndicus 
liistory of Ihe Ameiican Eevolulien, for pcjular use; eemprisirg all the e.'sertial 
fads, but by the i missii n of military details, and dwellirg more nj en civil end diplo- 
matic histi^iy. than upon lattles and tie uicvi n;irils ol ainiies, producii;g aitirk 
.sf mewhal differert, and ol more intrinsic value, than any preeeeling work ujon the 
tame subject. Mr. W ilson we have foimeily kuewn as the holder of a leaeiy pen of 
liandscbie literary aili.iin.enls. &nd of a highly poetieal temperj-meiit We had 
misgivircS; whin "we heard of his entrsnce u|cn ihc grave ar:d chastened field of 
history, lest Ihc wir'gs of his in aginalii n should bear him a\\ay In in his judgment. 
1 ut on glancing iijlo his voh me, we (iid thai < ur a] pn he iisions we re grotidles«. 
We have no time for critical examination into all these mailers so essential to histo- 
rical accuracy; but solar aswe have hokidat the pieient work, we Ihink il de- 
cidedly successful. The author's pe.wer of ai:nlysis and arrange merit, seem lo be 
good, and his style vigoitus and clear. Jl is a good cists book lor schools. 



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